Prodi Comes Before a Fall
The Italian government has plenty of enthusiasm for sending troops to Lebanon but seemingly little grasp of the difficulties involved, writes John Hooper.
You know those cartoons where the cat, fox, wolf or whatever is chasing some poor animal and charges over a cliff edge? You know how there is always a moment - its legs are usually still whirling - when the cat, fox, wolf or whatever realises it has gone too far, too fast? And how it then turns to the viewer with a look of terror before plunging into the abyss?
Well, observing Italy's efforts to get involved in solving the problems of the Middle East over the past month or so has been like watching that old animated cliché being played out for real.
On Friday, in Brussels, at an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers, the Italian representative, Massimo D'Alema, will try to persuade his counterparts to join Italy in pledging substantial contributions to the new UN peacekeeping force for Lebanon. Italy has said it will put in up to 3,000 troops and take command of the force.
Mr D'Alema's decision to call the meeting reflected a perhaps belated concern over the risks involved. It came after the French - worried by the vagueness in UN resolution 1701 over rules of engagement and concerned about the potential for a renewal of hostilities - did a U-turn, rejected the command and limited their contribution to a mere 400 troops.
Israel's prime minister, Ehud Olmert, promptly asked the Italians to take charge - a responsibility his Italian counterpart, Romano Prodi, unhesitatingly agreed to. He and his centre-left cabinet are mustard-keen to show they can give their country a greater role in international affairs. For years, in opposition, they had to listen while the then prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, lectured them on how he alone could make Italy count because of his personal friendship with the likes of George Bush, Tony Blair and Vladimir Putin.
In addition, however, there is a sincere conviction in Italy that the country has a unique chance - and perhaps a responsibility - to help bring peace. A lot of ordinary Italians were profoundly impressed by television footage earlier this year showing Israelis, Palestinians and Lebanese celebrating with equal gusto Italy's victory in the soccer World Cup.
On the one hand, the Italians have consistently backed Israel's right to statehood. Yet their links with the Arabs are not blighted by memories of a colonial past, except in Libya. The present cabinet includes both convinced pro-Israelis and ardent pro-Palestinians.
All of that helps explain the rush to the cliff edge that began as soon as the fighting started when Mr D'Alema hosted the first international discussions on Lebanon in Rome. It did not stop the fighting, but it did get Condoleezza Rice to the same table as many of her critics and succeeded in launching the process that eventually led to resolution 1701.
Even then, Italian officials were talking about making a substantial contribution to a new UN force. And, albeit with some reservations, their enthusiasm was shared by the conservative opposition. It was only this week that serious doubts began to be expressed, largely in the media.
"To strive for peace is noble", declared the right-of-centre Corriere della Sera. "But to try to do so prompted by ingenuousness and partisan enthusiasm, without realism and formidable means, is lethal obsession."
The following day, a commentator in the centre-left La Repubblica was marvelling at the politicians' apparent reluctance to consider what he argued was the central question: whether "a UN intervention force can prevent or even delay that second round of the conflict between Israel and Hizbullah which both parties are taking as read."
That and similar questions seem to be prompting some reflection in the Italian government. But, for the moment, its legs are still whirling.
Well, observing Italy's efforts to get involved in solving the problems of the Middle East over the past month or so has been like watching that old animated cliché being played out for real.
On Friday, in Brussels, at an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers, the Italian representative, Massimo D'Alema, will try to persuade his counterparts to join Italy in pledging substantial contributions to the new UN peacekeeping force for Lebanon. Italy has said it will put in up to 3,000 troops and take command of the force.
Mr D'Alema's decision to call the meeting reflected a perhaps belated concern over the risks involved. It came after the French - worried by the vagueness in UN resolution 1701 over rules of engagement and concerned about the potential for a renewal of hostilities - did a U-turn, rejected the command and limited their contribution to a mere 400 troops.
Israel's prime minister, Ehud Olmert, promptly asked the Italians to take charge - a responsibility his Italian counterpart, Romano Prodi, unhesitatingly agreed to. He and his centre-left cabinet are mustard-keen to show they can give their country a greater role in international affairs. For years, in opposition, they had to listen while the then prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, lectured them on how he alone could make Italy count because of his personal friendship with the likes of George Bush, Tony Blair and Vladimir Putin.
In addition, however, there is a sincere conviction in Italy that the country has a unique chance - and perhaps a responsibility - to help bring peace. A lot of ordinary Italians were profoundly impressed by television footage earlier this year showing Israelis, Palestinians and Lebanese celebrating with equal gusto Italy's victory in the soccer World Cup.
On the one hand, the Italians have consistently backed Israel's right to statehood. Yet their links with the Arabs are not blighted by memories of a colonial past, except in Libya. The present cabinet includes both convinced pro-Israelis and ardent pro-Palestinians.
All of that helps explain the rush to the cliff edge that began as soon as the fighting started when Mr D'Alema hosted the first international discussions on Lebanon in Rome. It did not stop the fighting, but it did get Condoleezza Rice to the same table as many of her critics and succeeded in launching the process that eventually led to resolution 1701.
Even then, Italian officials were talking about making a substantial contribution to a new UN force. And, albeit with some reservations, their enthusiasm was shared by the conservative opposition. It was only this week that serious doubts began to be expressed, largely in the media.
"To strive for peace is noble", declared the right-of-centre Corriere della Sera. "But to try to do so prompted by ingenuousness and partisan enthusiasm, without realism and formidable means, is lethal obsession."
The following day, a commentator in the centre-left La Repubblica was marvelling at the politicians' apparent reluctance to consider what he argued was the central question: whether "a UN intervention force can prevent or even delay that second round of the conflict between Israel and Hizbullah which both parties are taking as read."
That and similar questions seem to be prompting some reflection in the Italian government. But, for the moment, its legs are still whirling.

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