Niall O'Dowd: Irish lessons in peace

The one constant of the troubles in Ireland, Israel and Palestine is that the more a security solution is sought, the less secure the parties in the region become. In Ireland it was not until the parties engaged fully, under American eyes, that the breakthroughs of the peace process became evident.

The success of the Irish peace process was also predicated on the fact that a military solution was impossible. At various times in the 30-year war, the IRA thought it had the British on the ropes and, likewise, the British military talked up the notion that it had the IRA defeated and just one final push was needed.

Both sides, reluctantly, came to recognise the error of their thinking, and created a space for political negotiations. But in the Middle East we still see Ariel Sharon attempting a military victory, while the Palestinians answer back just as ferociously and think their side may be the winner.

Israel has hunkered down, constantly fearing another suicide bomber. They blast away at Palestinian towns and villages where they believe the terrorists hide, their efforts akin to shooting needles at haystacks. The Palestinians, after spurning Bill Clinton, find themselves caught in ever-increasing violence, which is toughest on their own people.

Some of the lessons of the Irish peace process could be helpful here. Senator George Mitchell, who chaired the peace talks in Northern Ireland, has emphasised that the implementation of historic agreements "is as difficult and as important as reaching them". Yet in Northern Ireland and the Middle East, the signing of the Good Friday agreement and the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles were seen by many on both sides as an end in themselves.

In both peace processes the American role is critical. Irish Americans were successful in creating an "outside the box" scenario where an American president took an active interest in seeking a negotiated settlement in Ireland and introduced a powerful new player.

Bill Clinton's impact on the Irish peace process was enormous, but he insisted on one crucial detail. He remained scrupulously neutral and was equally approachable to both sides. This allowed him to carry enormous moral persuasion at key points, such as the appointment of Senator Mitchell to chair the all-party talks in 1996 and convincing reluctant party leaders on both sides to sign up to the Good Friday agreement.

The Bush tilt towards Israel has placed this White House in a far more difficult situation. Refusing to meet Arafat, an elected leader, for a long period was a major mistake. Could it possibly have made things worse to meet him?

The Israel lobby in the US also has much to answer for. The Irish American lobby approved of Clinton's even-handed approach and created opportunities for opponents of Irish nationalism to come to America. That was not an easy scenario to establish. Yet, when David Trimble, Ian Paisley and other unionist leaders showed up at the White House it was a powerful endorsement of their right to be heard.

The Israel lobby in the US, however, remains fixed on maintaining the US government's pro-Israel tilt. There has been a plethora of pro-Sharon ads in major American newspapers placed by Jewish groups. Far more valuable would be a questioning American constituency, not afraid to query what the leaders back in the homeland are doing. The Israel lobby effectively deals itself out of every crisis when a more adventurous, even-handed approach could pay huge dividends.

Mitchell also made a crucial point about violence. The acceptance of violence continuing while a peace strategy is worked out was a critical factor in Sinn Fein joining the Irish process and making it successful. By refusing to accept that those who seek to destroy peace efforts by violence can succeed, both sides took the cards out of the hands of the militants.

Many of the key players in the Irish peace process came from unlikely backgrounds. Father Alec Reid, the Belfast-based priest who brought John Hume and Adams together and created the initial framework, comes to mind. William J Flynn, chairman of the New York insurance firm Mutual of America, helped create conditions for the American intervention by hosting and funding conferences where all sides were welcome.

Peacemakers come in many hues. Like Ireland, the Middle East is far too important to be left just to governments and diplomats. Peace "comes dropping slow", as Yeats wrote, but it needs many hands to bring it about.

· Niall O'Dowd is the founder of the New York-based Irish Voice newspaper and was the intermediary between the White House and Sinn Fein from 1991 to 1994.