Ireland's 'little Voice' Will Resonate
The celtic tiger's EU presidency will be the best advertisement to small countries of the benefits of joining, writes Angelique Chrisafis.
When Ireland takes over the presidency of the EU, on January 1, it will inherit a crippling headache. Europe is more divided than ever after its members came to blows over their proposed first constitution this month. The cracks are as painful as they were when the EU split over the question of war in Iraq earlier in the year. Ireland, one of the most europhile nations in the EU, will have to nurse some open wounds.
The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, will spend the first two months of 2004 nipping from capital to capital in the Irish government's new jet with the minister for foreign affairs, Brian Cowen, and the minister for Europe, Dick Roche. They will listen carefully to each country's position on the constitution and try to pave a way back to a future negotiating table by delivering a report in March. "I have no doubt that there will be an agreement. The main question is when," Mr Cowen said this week.
Mr Ahern is seen as a good "behind-the-scenes man" to smooth the way. Apart from France's Jacques Chirac, he is the EU's most experienced leader. He is best known within the EU as a "consensus builder and a deal-broker", as one Irish political editor commented this week. Ireland was not to blame for the collapse of the talks and its "neutral" presidency is therefore deeply convenient.
But Mr Ahern wants nothing to overshadow the centrepiece of his presidency and the driving force behind the constitution: the arrival of 10 new member states and 450 million new EU citizens on May 1. Ireland is planning a glittering "day of welcomes" party for the leaders of the new members: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia. Also invited are Bulgaria and Romania, which are hoping to join in 2007, and Turkey, which is hungry to get on board.
The symbolism of Ireland hosting this event is lost on no one. An island nation, with a population of fewer than 4 million, it is the EU's best advertisement for the benefits to small countries of joining the union. Thirty years ago, Ireland was the poor cousin, benefiting from the economies of larger nations who pumped money into the communal European pot. Now it has some of the highest growth rates in Europe and is a thriving contributor to the EU chest.
Ireland is also a fierce defender of the "little voice" in Europe and it is here that the key challenge of its presidency lies. Before Christmas Mr Ahern told Le Monde that he was against a "two-speed Europe" in which big states such as France and Germany could decide to break off alone in an "inner-core" or "pioneer group" which leaves smaller countries on the outside. Ireland will want to stick up for small countries' say while managing the looming row over the EU's budget for 2007 to 2013.
The big financial players are currently at odds with the smaller countries who reap benefits from the EU budget. Six net contributors to the EU budget - the UK, France, Germany, Austria, Sweden and the Netherlands - have recently complained that they want the budget curbed starting in 2007.
Over the course of more than 200 meetings in Dublin and Brussels, Ireland is also charged with developing a fledgling defence agreement, while protecting its own most sacred tradition: neutrality. It must make progress on the EU's asylum and immigration rules and the commitment to tackle cross-border crime.
The Irish government - aware of a celtic tiger economy that has forced its population to flood to the city at the expense of rural communities - also wants to focus its presidency on the creation of jobs in Europe. Its priority is to push forward guidelines on job creation, work, pay and productivity and build these into the European employment strategy.
The EU presidency could cost the Irish taxpayer up to €80m, and the government has been quick to grab an opportunity it missed in its past five presidencies: corporate sponsorship. In what ministers suggest is a "showcase" for the nation, EU visitors will be treated to, among other local specialities, Tipperary spring water and Kerrygold butter. Newspapers have been quick to attack the various sponsorship deals but the government insists it is saving money in an "eminently sensible" way.
The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, will spend the first two months of 2004 nipping from capital to capital in the Irish government's new jet with the minister for foreign affairs, Brian Cowen, and the minister for Europe, Dick Roche. They will listen carefully to each country's position on the constitution and try to pave a way back to a future negotiating table by delivering a report in March. "I have no doubt that there will be an agreement. The main question is when," Mr Cowen said this week.
Mr Ahern is seen as a good "behind-the-scenes man" to smooth the way. Apart from France's Jacques Chirac, he is the EU's most experienced leader. He is best known within the EU as a "consensus builder and a deal-broker", as one Irish political editor commented this week. Ireland was not to blame for the collapse of the talks and its "neutral" presidency is therefore deeply convenient.
But Mr Ahern wants nothing to overshadow the centrepiece of his presidency and the driving force behind the constitution: the arrival of 10 new member states and 450 million new EU citizens on May 1. Ireland is planning a glittering "day of welcomes" party for the leaders of the new members: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia. Also invited are Bulgaria and Romania, which are hoping to join in 2007, and Turkey, which is hungry to get on board.
The symbolism of Ireland hosting this event is lost on no one. An island nation, with a population of fewer than 4 million, it is the EU's best advertisement for the benefits to small countries of joining the union. Thirty years ago, Ireland was the poor cousin, benefiting from the economies of larger nations who pumped money into the communal European pot. Now it has some of the highest growth rates in Europe and is a thriving contributor to the EU chest.
Ireland is also a fierce defender of the "little voice" in Europe and it is here that the key challenge of its presidency lies. Before Christmas Mr Ahern told Le Monde that he was against a "two-speed Europe" in which big states such as France and Germany could decide to break off alone in an "inner-core" or "pioneer group" which leaves smaller countries on the outside. Ireland will want to stick up for small countries' say while managing the looming row over the EU's budget for 2007 to 2013.
The big financial players are currently at odds with the smaller countries who reap benefits from the EU budget. Six net contributors to the EU budget - the UK, France, Germany, Austria, Sweden and the Netherlands - have recently complained that they want the budget curbed starting in 2007.
Over the course of more than 200 meetings in Dublin and Brussels, Ireland is also charged with developing a fledgling defence agreement, while protecting its own most sacred tradition: neutrality. It must make progress on the EU's asylum and immigration rules and the commitment to tackle cross-border crime.
The Irish government - aware of a celtic tiger economy that has forced its population to flood to the city at the expense of rural communities - also wants to focus its presidency on the creation of jobs in Europe. Its priority is to push forward guidelines on job creation, work, pay and productivity and build these into the European employment strategy.
The EU presidency could cost the Irish taxpayer up to €80m, and the government has been quick to grab an opportunity it missed in its past five presidencies: corporate sponsorship. In what ministers suggest is a "showcase" for the nation, EU visitors will be treated to, among other local specialities, Tipperary spring water and Kerrygold butter. Newspapers have been quick to attack the various sponsorship deals but the government insists it is saving money in an "eminently sensible" way.

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