Choose Your Enemy
A Strategy For The Independence Movement: Some of the most incisive, powerful and eloquent voices of dissent on the planet have concluded that the defeat of George Bush is not worth the moral turpitude of advocating a vote for John Kerry.
By Jack Random
Some of the most incisive, powerful and eloquent voices of dissent on the planet have concluded that the defeat of George Bush is not worth the moral turpitude of advocating a vote for John Kerry.
I am familiar with the argument. It has been my own for decades. I have advocated candidates whose political philosophies were no more harmonious with mine than those of the Senator from Massachusetts. I have done so out of the deeply held conviction that the most critical step forward for democracy in America is the fall of the two-party system.
In 2004, out of the conviction that the current president, with his doctrine of global supremacy and preemptive strike, is potentially the most destructive in history, I have temporarily abandoned my primary cause. I have done so with eyes wide open, fully cognizant of the fact that the Democrats have once again disappointed. I have all but given up hope that Senator Kerry will hear our collective voice of outrage against this war. I remain certain, however, that a President Kerry will be more responsive to the antiwar movement than the president who dismissed ten million protesters worldwide as a focus group.
As disappointed as I have been in the traditional party of opposition, I have found the strategy of third parties almost as frustrating. For the last twelve years at minimum, the primary goal of all third parties should have been to form a united front with independents against the mainstream juggernaut. The primary theme of all third parties and independents should have been the anti-democratic policies and practices of the mainstream monopoly. Every election cycle should be predicated by a National Independence Convention to coordinate efforts, target winnable elections, and formulate policies of agreement. The goal of Ralph Nader should have been to replace Paul Wellstone as the conscience of the United States Senate. The continued focus on the presidency alone has become a distraction, arguably doing more harm than good.
Now, when all messages must yield to peace and all causes must defer to the antiwar movement, it is past time to begin the process anew and to formulate a real, long-term strategy for the Independence Movement.
First and most immediately, we must choose our enemy for the inhabitant of the White House, barring a miracle, will be our enemy regardless of who wins. In this instance, I reject the reasoning that suggests things must get worse before real change can happen. Things are bad enough and getting worse means that thousands more will lose their lives. If the Republicans are reelected and the policies of war press forward with disastrous results, it will position the Democrats to claim, "we told you so." If the Democrats win the White House and fail to extract us from an immoral war, it will empower the Independents to charge: There is not a penny worth of difference between the major parties. They are both the parties of war, responding only to the interests of empire and globalization, while turning their backs on the needs and the demands of the people.
Second, we must finally begin the process of uniting Greens and Libertarians with lesser parties and independents. Let the antiwar movement be the cry of unification that creates a new political paradigm. Welcome those relatively moderate activists who have joined the well-intentioned Democracy Now movement of Howard Dean but who will soon grow tired of partisan restraints. All activists in the political process who operate outside the major party umbrella recognize the need for alliances. Let the call go forth while the antiwar movement is still strong and vibrant. We must have a national convention for the purpose of unifying our forces, defining a cohesive strategy, and pooling our resources.
Third, we must become politically savvy. The gerrymandered districts of Congressional seats were engineered with the two-party system in mind. They have attempted to remove chance from the political equation and in so doing have stripped the electoral system of its democratic function. They have created safe havens for "liberal" Democrats and in so doing have created openings for true progressives. They have created havens for "conservative" Republicans, opening the door for true libertarians. They have attacked democracy at its core and it is our duty to exploit the gaping flaws of their betrayal. We need candidates targeted to the politics of gerrymandering and operatives willing to overcome our differences in the interest of a unified cause of independence. At the very least, our success will force the major parties to amend their corrupt ways.
Finally, we need a new strategy to attack the White House. It begins where all serious presidential campaigns must begin in the post LBJ world: a southern strategy. With the demise of the southern Democrat (whose death was jarringly lamented by Zell Miller at the Republican National Convention), Republicans have cynically laid siege to the land of Jim Crow. There is no region in the nation that is more taken for granted. Shamefully, African Americans in almost every southern state are completely shut out of presidential politics. Little wonder the civil rights movement has all but died on the vine. The surest way to break the southern stranglehold is to launch the candidacy of a strong, southern libertarian. The Republicans have no restraint in financing and supporting the candidacy of Ralph Nader. The Independence Movement should suffer no remorse in sponsoring a candidate of the south.
John McCain’s cheap shot against filmmaker Michael Moore from the floor of his party’s convention, before the eyes of the television world, should serve to remind us of two things. First, in the eyes of the political elite, dissent is acceptable until it becomes effective. Second, integrity is the rarest quality in politics. I do not advocate the politics of hypocrisy. I do not believe I could personally engage in the practices that pass for business as usual in the political world. I do, however, know this: If we are going to succeed in the game of electoral politics, we must first decide to play.
Jazz.
Jack Random is the author of the Jazzman Chronicles, including Volume II: The War Chronicles (Crow Dog Press) and the novel Ghost Dance Insurrection (Dry Bones Press). His commentaries have been posted widely. See www.jackrandom.com.
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Some of the most incisive, powerful and eloquent voices of dissent on the planet have concluded that the defeat of George Bush is not worth the moral turpitude of advocating a vote for John Kerry.
I am familiar with the argument. It has been my own for decades. I have advocated candidates whose political philosophies were no more harmonious with mine than those of the Senator from Massachusetts. I have done so out of the deeply held conviction that the most critical step forward for democracy in America is the fall of the two-party system.
In 2004, out of the conviction that the current president, with his doctrine of global supremacy and preemptive strike, is potentially the most destructive in history, I have temporarily abandoned my primary cause. I have done so with eyes wide open, fully cognizant of the fact that the Democrats have once again disappointed. I have all but given up hope that Senator Kerry will hear our collective voice of outrage against this war. I remain certain, however, that a President Kerry will be more responsive to the antiwar movement than the president who dismissed ten million protesters worldwide as a focus group.
As disappointed as I have been in the traditional party of opposition, I have found the strategy of third parties almost as frustrating. For the last twelve years at minimum, the primary goal of all third parties should have been to form a united front with independents against the mainstream juggernaut. The primary theme of all third parties and independents should have been the anti-democratic policies and practices of the mainstream monopoly. Every election cycle should be predicated by a National Independence Convention to coordinate efforts, target winnable elections, and formulate policies of agreement. The goal of Ralph Nader should have been to replace Paul Wellstone as the conscience of the United States Senate. The continued focus on the presidency alone has become a distraction, arguably doing more harm than good.
Now, when all messages must yield to peace and all causes must defer to the antiwar movement, it is past time to begin the process anew and to formulate a real, long-term strategy for the Independence Movement.
First and most immediately, we must choose our enemy for the inhabitant of the White House, barring a miracle, will be our enemy regardless of who wins. In this instance, I reject the reasoning that suggests things must get worse before real change can happen. Things are bad enough and getting worse means that thousands more will lose their lives. If the Republicans are reelected and the policies of war press forward with disastrous results, it will position the Democrats to claim, "we told you so." If the Democrats win the White House and fail to extract us from an immoral war, it will empower the Independents to charge: There is not a penny worth of difference between the major parties. They are both the parties of war, responding only to the interests of empire and globalization, while turning their backs on the needs and the demands of the people.
Second, we must finally begin the process of uniting Greens and Libertarians with lesser parties and independents. Let the antiwar movement be the cry of unification that creates a new political paradigm. Welcome those relatively moderate activists who have joined the well-intentioned Democracy Now movement of Howard Dean but who will soon grow tired of partisan restraints. All activists in the political process who operate outside the major party umbrella recognize the need for alliances. Let the call go forth while the antiwar movement is still strong and vibrant. We must have a national convention for the purpose of unifying our forces, defining a cohesive strategy, and pooling our resources.
Third, we must become politically savvy. The gerrymandered districts of Congressional seats were engineered with the two-party system in mind. They have attempted to remove chance from the political equation and in so doing have stripped the electoral system of its democratic function. They have created safe havens for "liberal" Democrats and in so doing have created openings for true progressives. They have created havens for "conservative" Republicans, opening the door for true libertarians. They have attacked democracy at its core and it is our duty to exploit the gaping flaws of their betrayal. We need candidates targeted to the politics of gerrymandering and operatives willing to overcome our differences in the interest of a unified cause of independence. At the very least, our success will force the major parties to amend their corrupt ways.
Finally, we need a new strategy to attack the White House. It begins where all serious presidential campaigns must begin in the post LBJ world: a southern strategy. With the demise of the southern Democrat (whose death was jarringly lamented by Zell Miller at the Republican National Convention), Republicans have cynically laid siege to the land of Jim Crow. There is no region in the nation that is more taken for granted. Shamefully, African Americans in almost every southern state are completely shut out of presidential politics. Little wonder the civil rights movement has all but died on the vine. The surest way to break the southern stranglehold is to launch the candidacy of a strong, southern libertarian. The Republicans have no restraint in financing and supporting the candidacy of Ralph Nader. The Independence Movement should suffer no remorse in sponsoring a candidate of the south.
John McCain’s cheap shot against filmmaker Michael Moore from the floor of his party’s convention, before the eyes of the television world, should serve to remind us of two things. First, in the eyes of the political elite, dissent is acceptable until it becomes effective. Second, integrity is the rarest quality in politics. I do not advocate the politics of hypocrisy. I do not believe I could personally engage in the practices that pass for business as usual in the political world. I do, however, know this: If we are going to succeed in the game of electoral politics, we must first decide to play.
Jazz.
Jack Random is the author of the Jazzman Chronicles, including Volume II: The War Chronicles (Crow Dog Press) and the novel Ghost Dance Insurrection (Dry Bones Press). His commentaries have been posted widely. See www.jackrandom.com.
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