Somalia Targeted – Ecoterra Somali Marine & Coastal Monitor - 27th Press Release

In this article, I republish integrally the 27th Ecoterra press release that makes available the latest news and a wide array of comments, analyses and republications.

Ecoterra Intl. – SMCM (Somali Marine & Coastal Monitor) - XXVII

Ecoterra International – Updates & Statements, Review & Clearing-house

A Voice from the Truth- & Justice-Seekers, who sit between all chairs, because they are not part of organized white-collar or no-collar-crime in Somalia or overseas, and who neither benefit from global naval militarization, from the illegal fishing and dumping in Somali waters or the piracy of merchant vessels, nor from the booming insurance business or the exorbitant ransom-, risk-management- or security industry, while neither the protection of the sea, the development of fishing communities nor the humanitarian assistance to abducted seafarers and their families is receiving the required adequate attention, care and funding.

"During times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act". George Orwell

2009-04-03 23h55:24 UTC

EA Illegal Fishing and Dumping Hotline: +254-714-747090 (confidentiality guaranteed) - email: somalia@ecoterra.net

EA Seafarers Assistance Programme Emergency Helpline: SMS to +254-738-497979 or call +254-733-633-733

"The pirates must not be allowed to destroy our dream!"

Capt. Florent Lemaçon - F/Y Tanit - killed by attack of French commandos - 10. April 2009

Non A La Guerre - Yes To Peace

(Inscription on the sail of F/Y TANIT shot down on day one of the French assault)

None of the various, local or foreign pirate outfits we like to add -

Clearing-house

News from sea-jackings, abductions or newly attacked ships

The vessel used to seize the French yacht S/Y TANIT actually was the Iranian flagged fishing vessel FV SHAHID (Shaahid, Saahid), local investigations revealed. FV SHAHID itself was captured in the first days of April 2009, while fishing illegally in Somali waters. There are 6 Iranian and 12 Pakistani sailor on board, who are still held hostage. Negotiations between the owner and the pirates of the vessel to release it against a ransom broke down and the vessel is now away from the coast and on another piracy-mission trying to hi-jack another ship. From the original 14 men gang which attacked the F/Y TANIT two were shot, killed and the bodies secured, one was shot at and went overboard (so far missing) and three were arrested while three went with a small blue skiff, got lost and died of dehydration (buried near Bendar Beyla) 5 were said to have remained on the mother-ship and came ahead of F/Y TANIT to Bendar Beyla the day before the blunted attack by the French Navy, which killed also the skipper of the yacht while rescuing his wife and child together with to friends just 20 miles off the shore. These five were reinforced with another group of up to ten men and said to have not returned yet from another piracy-expedition.

The former Italian foreign undersecretary Margherita Boniver, dispatched by Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini as envoy to help in the case of seized Italian tugboat T/B BUCCANEER with her two now empty barges, arrived together with the Italian Ambassador in Garowe, the capital of the semi-autonomous region of Somalia on Saturday for talks with Puntland President Abdirahman Mohamed Farole. But the fact that a Canadian and US-American delegation of Africa Oil Corporation, who still holds two onshore oil concessions in Puntland from a joint venture deal with controversial Australian firm Range Resources, had scheduled a major planning session with the president, who had been a stout opponent to these oil deals of his predecessor, delayed her mission.

When she then could finally speak with Farole, local sources reported that the new president sent her to his Minister of Internal Security, since the captors of the vessel, which is held east of Laasqoray - the coastal town of neighboring Saanag Region and governed by the Warsangeli People -, had not invoked the Puntland government for mediation. Today the Italian delegation then held talks with Interior Security Minister General C/laahi Axmed Jamac Ilka Jir. He contacted the captors but they refused to give in to the proposals the Italian delegation made, which centered around providing development aid for the jetty in Laasqqoray and road construction in return for the release of vessel and crew. General Ilka Jir concluded in discussions today that he also could do little to help with the release of the 16 crew-members (10 Italians, 1 Croatian, 5 Romanians) and the vessel.

The Italian delegation returned to Nairobi empty-handed, though a follow up mission is planned. So far neither the company, which is the owner-manager of the vessel -LEADERSHIP MANAGEMENT in Ravenna - nor the operator SEACOR OFFSHORE DUBAI LLC of Dubai are willing to disclose where and with what the two barges were loaded and unloaded last before the convoy was captured in the Gulf of Aden. Thereby the rumors that the tug actually was on a mission to dump harmful waste similar to what was done in the days of the Italian government under president Craxi, under whom Mme. Boniver started her career, still could not be silenced.

Al-Meezan Brings Confusion

The second vessel hijacked by Somali pirates last Friday would be the Pakistani-owned ship MV Al-Meezan, reports said. The ship, carrying goods for Somali traders was captured around 100 kilometers (60 miles) off the capital Mogadishu, AFP quoted Ahmed Abdi, a pirate commander in the coastal village of Harardhere, as saying on Sunday. It is carrying vehicles as well as sugar and cooking oil, local trade sources added. The vessel named MV Al-Misan was captured on Friday around 100 kilometers (60 miles) off the capital Mogadishu, Ahmed Abdi, a pirate commander in the coastal village of Harardhere said.

According to elders and traders in the region, it had been sailing from the United Arab Emirates. Earlier "pirate-reports" said the vessel was en route to Iran. "One of the two ships we hijacked yesterday is confirmed to have been chartered by Somali traders and there are already talks to release it. I think it will happen today", Ahmed Abdi told AFP by phone. Also one Somali trader with a stake in the hijacked ship's cargo said he was hopeful the vessel would be released soon. "There are efforts to free the ship and its crew, Somali traders and elders are already negotiating with the pirates and we are hopeful that they will soon release it". Abdullahi Moalim Barre told AFP.

And already "Sugule Ali", the phony "spokesperson" of the FAINA-pirates, a man from Galkayo with links to the pirate leaders based in the coastal town of Harardhere in Mudug region of central Somalia, said Sunday to a local radio station that he would help the Somali businessmen with stakes in the cargo vessel, if the ship arrives at areas under their control. The ship, the Almezaan, now appears to be heading for a Somali village called Harradera, known as a pirate base, Cmdr. Chris Davies told CNN. The ship did not send a distress signal until 4 a.m. Sunday, 18 hours after it was hijacked in the Indian Ocean, he said. No NATO ships were in the area at the time, he added. CNN stated the Panamanian-flagged ship had a crew of 18 Indians as of April 2008, the last listing for it on the Web site of the International Transport Workers' Federation.

But after all this clutter did not really meet the actual picture, first the Pakistani authorities said no ship was registered under the name MV Al-Misan or Al-Mezaan. Then Iran refuted reports that one of the two recently hijacked vessels by Somali pirates in the Gulf of Aden is under the lease agreement of Iran. "The captured ship carrying vehicles from Ukraine most probably belongs to Ukraine", said the Chairman of the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines (IRISL) Mohammed Hussein Dajmar. Dajmar spoke after Somali pirates announced on Saturday that they had captured two ships, including a Ukrainian vessel which was carrying vehicles to Iran.

Since local observers could now establish that the crew of the vessel has no Indian but also Caucasian sailors it is now believed that the vessel is actually MV AL MEEZAN, an offshore supply vessel owned by Inter Gulf Marine LLC of Dubai, an UAE, based owner and operator of specialized supply vessels. That ship flies the flag of the United Arab Emirates. What remains to be clarified is if earlier reports that the vessel would carry armored vehicles (maybe even with UN or similar signs) are true and why the whole armada of NATO, EUNAVFOR, CTF 150/151 as well as non-allied naval vessels and their intelligence are obviously not able to establish the true facts immediately and thereby avoid that families of seafarers all over the world are worried about the fate of their loved ones on ships which actually are not in the hands of pirates.

Ukrainian Official acknowledged the sea-jacking of MV ARIANA. Vasily Kirilitch, Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry press secretary, confirmed that all the sailors are Ukrainian nationals. He said the country’s embassies were instructed to "take prompt measures to set constant contact with ship-owner, operating company and authorities in order to clarify circumstances of the capture and free the sailors as soon as possible". NATO said a European Union Protection Aircraft had been deployed to monitor and track the MV ARIANA, which was making its way toward Somalia. The vessel arrived now near Harardheere.

Navies have apparently still not found or arrested the murder ship

MT AGIA BARBARA: still at large !

Crew Wanted for Murder

The position and route of the vessel with a crew of 6 Syrians and 6 Indians - wanted for murder in Mogadishu harbour - as well as at least one Somali business-agent on board are now roughly known. The small tanker with the IMO number 7616004 and call sign HO4050 flies a Panama flag (possibly now changed). Registered ship owner and manager is MEADOWLARK SHIPPING & TRADING CO. of Piraeus in Greece and the tanker is operated from an office in the UAE. Please report any sighting.

Meanwhile MEADOWLARK SHIPPING & TRADING CO. claims that it is no longer the owner of the vessel. In an unspecified e-mail an unidentified sender claimed that MEADOWLARK SHIPPING & TRADING CO. is incorrectly registered as owner in the shipping register and that the MT AGIA BARBARA was sold to new owners and would be managed by new managers since September 2008. The sender further stated that the current owners are WORLD CHAMPION MARINE (the Buyer) not MEADOWLARK SHIPPING & TRADING CO. (the Seller).

WORLD CHAMPION MARINE, however, could so far not be traced. Unconfirmed reports warn that the vessel if not stopped immediately could reach Eritrea or Sudan and the crew disappear from there. The Somali Government has officially requested all navies and coastal authorities to immediately impound the vessel and to arrest the crew. Vessel picture: http://www.shipspotting.com/modules/myalbum/photo.php?lid=70209 Please report any sighting to: somalia[at]ecoterra.net

With the latest captures and releases now still at least 19 foreign vessels (20 with an unnamed sole Barge which drifted ashore) with a total of not less than 297 crew members accounted for (of which 84 are confirmed to be Filipinos (plus maybe 16 of newly captured MV PATRIOT) are held in Somali waters and are monitored on our actual case-list, while several other cases of ships, which were observed off the coast of Somalia and have been reported or had reportedly disappeared without trace or information, are still being followed. Over 134 incidences (including attempted attacks, averted attacks and successful sea-jackings) have been recorded for 2008 with 49 fully documented, factual sea-jacking cases (for Somalia, incl. presently held ones) and the mistaken sinking of one vessel by a naval force. For 2009 the account stands at 72 averted or abandoned attacks with 34 sea-jackings on the Somali/Yemeni pirate side as well as at least two wrongful attacks (incl. friendly fire) on the side of the naval forces. Mystery pirate mother-vessels Athena/Arena and Burum Ocean as well as not fully documented cases of absconded vessels are not listed in the sea-jack count until clarification. Several other vessels with unclear fate (also not in the actual count), who were reported missing over the last ten years in this area, are still kept on our watch-list, though in some cases it is presumed that they sunk due to bad weather or being unfit to sail. In the last four years, 22 missing ships have been traced back with different names, flags and superstructures.

Directly piracy related reports

The French navy captured and disarmed 11 suspected Somali pirates in the Indian Ocean on Sunday, an AFP correspondent on board reported. The French frigate "Nivose" is part of the NATO anti-piracy mission "A French naval vessel intercepted 11 suspected pirates traveling off the Somali coast on Sunday in two assault vessels and a so-called "mother-ship" loaded with Kalashnikovs and rocket launchers", the French Defense Ministry confirmed. It was the French ship's third pirate intervention in a month. France has been the most aggressive in pursuing alleged pirates out of more than a dozen nations patrolling shipping routes in the Gulf of Aden. French Defense Ministry spokesman Christophe Prazuck said the 11 new suspects were intercepted Sunday morning about 900 kilometers (560 miles) off Somalia's coast. According to the report they had been traveling with a "pirate mother-ship" — a larger vessel often used to tow speed boats hundreds of miles (kilometers) out to sea and re-supply them in open water. Prazuck first said it was still unclear what France would do with the new suspects. "It's the exact same location as the case of the Safmarine Asia", lieutenant commander Jean-Marc Le Quilliec said, referring to an interception his ship carried out on April 15 during an attack on a Liberia-flagged merchant vessel.

The helicopter fired two warning shots to stop one of the two skiffs from fleeing after the French believed they had tricked the Somalis to "attack" in their small skiffs by positioning the naval vessel into the late afternoon sun. There was only one pirate left on the mother-ship, which was also intercepted moments later, with nothing on board except fuel and potatoes. The French forces found two Kalashnikov assault rifles on one of the skiffs, ammunition, a rocket-launcher and five grenades. That each man did not have at least one weapon makes it actually very questionable if these boys were real pirates or if they just sped to the naval vessel to beg for food and water. The 11 captured pirates, some of them very young, looked exhausted and were made to sit on the deck with their hands on their heads as French forces searched them, the AFP reporter filed. "The guys we catch are getting younger and younger", said one navy soldier to him. "Look at this one, he can't be 17".

While it can be understood that navies are frustrated because every week at least one new sea-jacking happens under their noses, the pirate-and-mariner-games can not be allowed to expand to busting everybody out of the water who is not either navy or illegal fisherman - both seem to be allowed to do what ever they want. And why the French navy "tossed into the sea" the 5 rocket propelled grenades they found with the alleged pirates has so far also not been clarified. Such disposal of unexploded ordnance is unacceptable, since it is not only a criminal act under the laws of the Seychelles but also could bring death to bottom-trolling fishers catching and lifting the explosive up with their nets. The argument that the grenades found in one of the skiffs were deemed a hazard by the Nivose lieutenant commander Jean-Marc Le Quilliec is certainly not a reason to just throw them into the waters of the Seychelles.

Another three suspected pirates were detained Saturday by the Seychelles coast guard, which had been alerted by the French warship Nivose after European officials decided there was not enough evidence to hold them. Meanwhile, the three suspects arrested by the Seychelles coast guard vessel the Andromache were expected Sunday evening in port in the islands that depend heavily on tourism, according to Brigitte Ahshung at the Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation. Capt. Christophe Prazuck said the three had previously been detained and interrogated by sailors aboard the Nivose, after being pulled off a 32-foot (10-meter) fishing boat loaded with 13 barrels of fuel, water and food but no weapons.

The incident took place about 1,000 km (620 miles) east of Mombassa, Kenya, at 8:30 a.m. local time (0430 GMT) he added. "French forces have captured three pirates within Seychelles Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)", confirmed presidential spokesperson Srdjana Janosevic. "They were formally arrested by officers on board the Seychelles coastguard vessel Andromache". The pirates, who were tracked down on the boundary of Somali and Seychelles waters, will arrive in the archipelago's capital, Victoria, on Sunday morning, according to Reuters. Saturday's operation followed the arrest of nine pirates within the Seychelles EEZ early this week believed to have attacked the Italian cruise-liner MSC Melody which was carrying 1,500 passengers and crew. The Seychelles archipelago, with a population of just 87,000, covers more than 1.3 million square km (500,000 square miles) of the western Indian Ocean although total land area is only 445 square km.

Anti-piracy measures

The piracy fight: What role should the U.S. military play in Somalia by John Vandiver

It’s arguably the most dangerous country in the world and a place that seethes with hostility toward the United States, but as the White House mulls how to deal with Somalia and the pirates who operate there, it must determine whether U.S. troops have a role to play in bringing stability. If the U.S. military were to get involved, it could be in the form of helping Somalia’s fledgling transitional government build its own security forces — U.S. Africa Command’s specialty. U.S. troops as trainers with boots on the ground in Somalia? That would be a disaster, according to some Somalia observers, who contend it would de-legitimize in the eyes of the Somalis the very transitional government the U.S. is trying to support. However, AFRICOM’s deputy for military operations, Vice Adm. Robert T. Moeller, disagrees. While emphasizing that there is no decision or plan at the moment to launch such a training initiative, Moeller said Friday, "I think we can work our way through that and have an ongoing dialogue with the government as well as the population overall". For nearly two decades, Somalis have been living in near anarchy: Rival clans and warlords have carved out territory and chaos has opened the door for Islamic extremist groups to put down roots.

While chaos reigns, pirates flourish.

Currently, al-Shabaab, a group of Islamic hard-liners with al-Qaida links, controls portions of the country in the south and central regions. Still, al-Shabaab has been losing some of its influence in the country, particularly after the departure of Ethiopian troops in January. But, some analysts say, one thing that could make the group more attractive is the perception that outsiders are meddling. "There is no role for them (the U.S. military) there", said Ken Menkhaus, a Somalia expert from Davidson College near Charlotte, N.C.

He calls for more diplomatic engagement in a region long dominated by an emphasis on counterterrorism operations. Ultimately, any direct involvement by the U.S. military on the ground in Somalia — even if it’s exclusively in the form of training Somali security forces — would have the effect of undermining the fragile unity government in Mogadishu, he said. If the government is going to win broader support among people deeply suspicious of Westerners, then it must not be viewed as a puppet, he said. Menkhaus also says hitting pirate sanctuaries on shore would have little long-term impact on the problem and could make conditions on the ground worse. "It would be a windfall for al-Shabaab if we start killing Somalis on Somali soil. It would drive people to them", Menkhaus said. "Piracy is a second-level security concern compared to the broader first order (terrorist) threat". Indirectly, a strike "could make us less secure", because it would attract people to the more extreme elements, he said.

Diplomatic focus

While Moeller is more optimistic about the military’s ability, if called upon, to work effectively with the government, he concurs that the main focus must be on the diplomatic side. If the Somali government requested support with military training it would have to be done in conjunction with strong diplomatic outreach, Moeller said. "They (the transitional government) do need the support of the international community. I think it’s essential they get that support", he said, referring to needed assistance in areas such as funding of infrastructure improvements. "The reason we face the piracy challenge is there’s no alternative in the economy", Moeller said. "Developing that economic base is essential". At a U.N. donor’s conference last month in Brussels, more than $200 million was pledged to support security initiatives in Somalia. The funds will be directed toward the African Union’s peacekeeping forces and support the development and training of a Somali security force. Though the command is new, AFRICOM already has started to build a track record with its training partnerships around the continent, helping African countries professionalize their security forces and develop coast guards. It remains to be seen whether AFRICOM will play a similar role down the road in Somalia.

Long-term endeavors

In the meantime, the scourge of piracy persists in the Gulf of Aden. While everyone from State Department officials, to military leaders and Somali scholars say the solution is an economic and political matter, bringing about those types of reforms are complicated long-term endeavors. And though navies from around the world continue to patrol the waters off Somalia, military might alone has proved incapable of eliminating the young bandits who continue to strike with impunity. In April, Gen. David Petraeus, commander of U.S. Central Command, told a congressional panel that shipping companies needed to do more to protect their ships and should consider hiring armed security.

To put the limits of naval power into context, at least 80 commercial cargo ships have been attacked in the area off the coasts of Somalia and bordering Kenya and in the Gulf of Aden, an area equal to more than 1.1 million square miles, roughly four times the size of Texas or the size of the Mediterranean and Red seas combined, according to www.navy.mil , the official Web site of the U.S. Navy. At least 19 of those attacks have resulted in successful high-jackings, which is just a drop in the bucket when compared against the 19,000 ships that pass through the region each year. But while the industry wrestles with the issue of arming its crews, shippers actually have bigger concerns that could make such dramatic steps unlikely. "The underlying metrics of the industry have little or nothing to do with piracy off the coast of Somalia", said Nathan Hughes, a military analyst for STRATFOR, a Texas-based global intelligence company.

With world trade plummeting because of the economic crisis, coupled with a sharp increase in the number of newly constructed cargo vessels set to become operational this year, many shippers are in a financial bind. "The industry is facing a perfect storm. They’re getting hit from two sides before we even talk about piracy", Hughes said. "Ultimately, it’s a business decision for them (to hire security guards)", Hughes said. "It’s hard for them to focus on piracy with the small amount of attrition right now off the coast of Somalia".

Status quo

For the near future, it will likely be status quo with the pirates, Hughes said. "There’s a clear sense that the Pentagon remains committed to keeping a lid on the problem rather than solving the problem. There aren’t a lot of good options and everybody has other priorities. There’s a reason Somalia has gone unsolved for so long", he said. While the pirates continue to capture the world’s attention, there is growing concern about insurgents traveling into East Africa. Somalia press reports state that some of those foreign fighters could be lining up with al-Shabaab, which is making threats to launch attacks into Kenya. "My great worry is not that Shabaab is going to take Somalia. Somalis are pushing back against Shabaab", Menkhaus said. "My worry is that they’ll try to globalize what they’re doing by attacking neighbors. When it’s Somalis against foreigners they (al-Shabaab) win. They have every reason to take it across the borders". As the new administration crafts its policy on Somalia, Moeller said officials at AFRICOM continue to monitor the range of threats around East Africa. "It is something that is a matter of some concern because of the potential for it to cause further instability," Moeller said. "It is an issue we pay very close attention to".

The US and counter-piracy coalition finally now noticed the substantial support for Somalia piracy coming from Yemen. And it is substantial, including weapons, diesel, use of territorial waters, phone service, ship coordinates etc. Earlier the UN monitoring group noted the nexus of piracy, human smuggling from Somalia to Yemen and the weapons smuggling from Yemen to Somalia on the return trip. While the US hopes for Yemeni governmental support in diminishing logistical aid to the pirates, insiders report that actually all substantial criminal networks in Yemen are tied to the highest levels of the Yemeni regime.

The Economist notes the enmeshing of criminal gangs and Mukallah’s importance in particular: It is said that pirates from Somalia and Yemen have now teamed up with smuggling gangs elsewhere in Africa to conduct illicit trade through Yemeni ports such as Mukalla and Belhaf with coalition force having only occasional success, piracy is plainly spreading more widely across the Indian Ocean. It was noted already in 2005 that Mukallah port was an important entry point for drugs and exit point for weapons: One regionally destabilizing regime activity is drug smuggling. A variety of illegal drugs are smuggled via the Indian Ocean into the southern Yemeni governorate of Hadramawt. The drugs are then transported inland to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States under the supervision of a close relative of the president who is also responsible for the governmental security apparatus, a well informed former regime official reported.

Makallah is apparently not under the authority of the Coast Guard yet and the UN monitoring group found that the lack of regular patrols in al Mukalla "means that arms traffic continues unabated". The Coast Guard, created in 2003, is working towards taking control of Mocha and al Mukalla from the military. The Republican Guard and Central Security forces have authority at ports where the Coast Guard has limited presence. The Republican Guard is under the direction of Prince Ahmed and the Central Security is under Yahya Saleh, a controversial close presidential relative. The US says the logistical support for the pirates is undertaken by private individuals. "Its (support) not from the Yemen government, its from people in Yemen", Admiral Mark Fitzgerald, a NATO commander and the top U.S naval officer for Africa said on the sidelines of an African naval conference in Cape Town, without giving further details.

Turkey’s navy yesterday took command of an international force to combat piracy off the Somali coast in a move analysts say reflects Ankara’s increased role as a major player in the region, the Egyptian newspaper The National reports. In a ceremony in Bahrain, US Navy Vice Admiral William Gortney, commander of the Fifth Fleet, turned over the command of Combined Task Force (CTF) 151 to Turkish Rear Admiral Caner Bener. The handover came less than 24 hours after Ahmet Davutoglu, Turkey’s newly appointed foreign minister, spoke about his country’s role in the Middle East and surrounding areas. "[Turkey] now has a stronger foreign policy vision towards the Middle East, Balkans and the Caucasus region", he said according to news reports from Turkey that also quoted him saying that Ankara "has to take on the role of an order-instituting country in all these regions".

Mr. Davutoglu, who is credited with being the architect of the country’s increasingly active role in the Middle East, led the Turkish team that shuttled between Israel and Hamas in January as part of international efforts to reach a ceasefire between the two. Analysts say Turkey’s new anti-piracy role reflects Washington’s desire to have it play a bigger role as a strategic ally to broker peace between Arab countries and Israel, and improve US relations with the Muslim world, especially after last month’s visit by President Barack Obama, which was his first visit to a Muslim country following his election. "The growing Turkish influence helps create a balance of power in the region, especially after the role Turkey played in the Palestinian issue, the improving of its relations with Syria as well as the Gulf states", said Ibrahim al Rumaihi, the executive director of the Bahrain Institute of Political Development. He added the Gulf of Aden had witnessed activity by regional powers in part because they want to display their influence and because they want to preserve their national interests. CTF 151 was initially commanded by the US navy, but yesterday’s ceremony made Turkey the second country take control and marked the first time Turkey led a task force within the US Navy 5th Fleet Command area.

Pakistan, a close US ally, has also in recent years played a commanding role in the region when in April 2006 it became the first Muslim country to lead coalition maritime forces efforts to combat terrorism. China, Russia, and India have sent their own ships to the region help protect their commercial maritime vessels in the wake of the piracy threat. The Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea, which has been at the centre of international attention following the sharp spike in piracy acts last August, represents a vital maritime waterway for the economies of the countries of the region and the world. "Without the security we help provide, the commerce on which most of the world depends would be at risk", said Vice Adm Gortney at a ceremony yesterday. "Fishermen would not be able to safely conduct their trade. The oceans of the world would be unsafe for leisure travel and nations who rely on these waters in this region and beyond would be economically jeopardized if commercial lifelines and trade routes are interrupted. "The maritime security operations we conduct help provide this security throughout the region. From security arises stability, which enhances trade, promotes economic activity and increases local and global prosperity".

However, he said the solution to piracy lay in dealing with internal issues in Somalia. CTF 151, which was established in January with the specific tasking of fighting piracy, was based on United Nations Security Council resolutions aimed at deterring, thwarting and preventing piracy. The group and other forces have encountered 320 pirates with 175 being disarmed and released, 137 disarmed and turned over for prosecution, and eight killed, Vice Admiral Gortney said. It had also seized or destroyed 36 pirate vessels, and confiscated 162 small arms, 30 rocket propelled grenades (RPGs), 61 RPG projectiles, 28 ladders, nine GPS devices and 23 cell phones. CTF 151 has naval forces from Singapore, South Korea, Denmark and the UK working with other NATO-member navies. In a brief statement, Rear Adm Bener said that to successfully combat piracy, closer co-ordination between the various naval forces was needed.

The federal government of Canada is extending the counter-piracy mission of HMCS Winnipeg to June. That will allow the Canadian warship to continue operations with NATO's Operation Allied Protector off the coast of Somalia, where dozens of vessels have been seized by pirates in recent months. General Walt Natynczyk, chief of defense staff, says HMCS Winnipeg and its crew are truly making a difference. At least three times in recent weeks, HMCS Winnipeg has intervened in attempted pirate attacks. In one case, the warship helped chase and apprehend Somali pirates who had tried to board a Norwegian-flagged vessel. A number of weapons were seized , before the pirates were released.

Illegal fishing and dumping

Despite measures to protect sea turtles taken by the Ministry of Fisheries of Puntland in Somalia, the continued survival of sea turtles is again threatened locally. Puntland's Regional Marine Conservation Organization (RMCO) believes the area along the Gulf of Aden coast is an important foraging habitat of the turtles, but the illegal harvesting of green turtles (Chelonia mydas) is still high in this area and will further diminish the turtle population in their natural marine environment unless quick steps are taken to protect and conserve the sheltering and foraging habitats from all sources and forms of distress and mortality.

In general a decline in the marine environment can be observed in Puntland:

A- The yellow-fin tuna usually migrated on October-December every year, but that pattern at least partly collapsed

B- Less number of shoals of sardines were found in this season

C- Red algae are a sign for a good fish harvest by the fishermen. But that has also disappeared and none was found this year.

All these factors encouraged fishermen to seek an alternative source of income, despite that the law and regulations are protecting these species. Fishermen organized themselves into several groups and settled far from fish landing sites, where they butcher mainly green turtles and smuggle the meat into towns for quick sales. Since many internally displaced people (IDPs) are living now in Bossasso town, who are affected by the sky-rocking food prices - including for meat, and they are often found to be ready consumers of the sea-turtle meat, the illegal trade booms.

A recent survey carried out by RMCO members on 30 km west coastal line of Bossasso town discovered 4 hideouts settled by the sea-turtle hunters and the remains of 16 green turtle carapaces that were slaughtered only in one week were found. This shows that there is a severe destruction/hunting of this population going on. It is surprising that people are changing their habits so quick, since sea-turtles were traditionally used in Somalia only in certain fertility rituals, while not even the highly priced shells were valued and only few were sold or exported for the curio markets. Still in the 80s many construction sides in towns along the coast were found, where sea-turtle shells were used to carry cement into the building site. In the 90s then the illegal trade of shells, which are used to make items such as combs triggered a further decline, though shells of the Green Turtles are not valued so much in comparison to the shells of the Hawksbill or the Loggerhead Sea Turtles.

The turtle's flesh is regarded as harām or "unclean" under Islamic law (Islam is the primary religion in the region) and RMCO staff therefore carried out an awareness programs through local radio and announced also the dangers, which go along with the consumption of the turtles. The Green Turtle is actually named for the greenish coloration of its fat and flesh and local people say it could cause night- or complete blindness to people who consume too much turtle’s meat, oil or eggs, which was confirmed by two turtle oil traders, who have lost themselves their eye-sight.

No real peace yet

Also Somali journalists commemorated today World Press Freedom Day, but actually have little to celebrate while the different groups in power in the Somali regions still do not recognize the rights of journalists and as long as international fellow journalists like Canadian Amanda Lindhout, who was snatched in Somalia last August with Australian photographer Nigel Geoffrey Brennan, are still held against their will and as hostages for ransom by armed groups.

The police of Puntland arrested now already ten people in the town of Galka'yo, the regional capital of Mudug region in central Somalia, after a roadside bomb had killed at least five people and wounded dozens more in north Galka'yo last Wednesday. The attack targeted a vehicle of Puntland Intelligence Service (PIS) in Galka'ayo. Residents said the vehicle with Puntland soldiers was traveling near Alla Magan Hotel in north Galk'ayo when it was targeted by the blast. Such explosions are new to the town. Police said a remote controlled landmine had cased the explosion but declined to give information about the officials in the vehicle. Civilians are among the wounded and the death toll is expected to rise as some of the victims are reported to be in critical conditions, officials at Galka'yo's main hospital say. No group has yet taken responsibility for the incident.

A United Nations official said on Friday an international commission of inquiry should be set up to investigate war crimes he said had been committed in Somalia, reports Reuters. "I honestly think that there have been very serious war crimes and crimes against humanity that have been committed by most if not all the parties to the conflict", the U.N. refugee agency’s representative to Somalia, Guillermo Bettocchi, said. "I certainly think that there should be a mechanism to bring those responsible for that to justice", he said, speaking at an event in London. Bettocchi said his personal view was that an international commission of inquiry should be formed to investigate such violations and that the evidence should eventually be handed over to an international criminal tribunal. Bettocchi, who is based in Nairobi, said there was an environment of total impunity in Somalia. "People in Somalia commit the most serious violations knowing that nothing will happen to them", he said. U.S.-based Human Rights Watch has also called for a commission of inquiry to probe abuses in Somalia, which has been in chaos since warlords ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 and then turned on each other. U.S. ally Ethiopia sent its army into Somalia to topple an Islamist administration in Mogadishu and rescue the Western-backed transitional government at the end of 2006. At least 10,000 civilians were killed in an ensuing Iraq-style insurgency that fomented piracy in shipping lanes off the coast. According to the UNHCR, 470,000 Somali refugees are living in nearby countries and 1.3 million are internally displaced, driven from their homes by the violence. The Ethiopians withdrew in January and Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, a moderate Islamist who led the sharia courts government overthrown by them, was sworn in as Somali president.

UN to Address Mounting Humanitarian Concerns, Security Challenges Facing Somali Refugees By Howard Lesser

One week after international donors pledged more than $200 million, primarily toward security needs of a new government in Somalia, UN officials are expected to address the humanitarian response to Somalia’s refugee crisis. In London Friday, they will discuss what is needed inside the country and in surrounding areas to promote stability and improve conditions for more than 260-thousand residents who have fled to overcrowded camps in northeastern Kenya. Colin Thomas-Jensen, the Africa advocacy and research manager for the Washington-based Enough Project, points out that much of the international donor support pledged last week at the donor conference in Brussels, Belgium will go toward strengthening African Union (AU) peacekeepers in Somalia, but that the rest of the donated funds should be disbursed very carefully.

"Nearly $150 million is going to support AMISOM (African Union peacekeepers in Somalia), particularly the immense cost of maintaining a peacekeeping mission in perhaps the most difficult operating environment in the world, but also ramping up efforts by the African Union to train the Somali government security forces. And I think that’s a good thing. There’s also about $30 million that’s going straight to the TFG (Transitional Federal Government), and I think this is the money that we have to be very careful about. In particular, this money should not be used to pay salaries of security forces. The TFG is earning money now at the port. And the last thing we need, which was the case the last time, is international funding supporting a security force that more likely than not is going to commit terrible atrocities", he advised.

Thomas-Jensen says he believes that after 17 years of failed leadership, the non-security-designated donor funds for Somalia should be conditioned on helping the Mogadishu government of President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed become a credible and inclusive body that can achieve legitimacy with its Islamist rivals and among the general public.

"The issue of simply providing money to the greatest strongman in Somalia in the hopes that he will exert control militarily over the country has failed miserably time and time again. And so direct support to this government ought to be conditioned very heavily on the behavior of security forces and the political moves that Sheikh Sharif makes to make his government a more inclusive body", he notes.

The election of President Sheikh Sharif in January has failed to slow the exodus of Somalis seeking refuge in neighboring Kenya. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that so far in 2009, more than 23,000 new asylum seekers have crossed the border into northeastern Kenya’s Dadaab refugee camp, making it the world’s largest. Thomas-Jensen does not see many refugees ready to return to Somalia under current conditions. He says it will take time for Sheikh Sharif’s government to upgrade its handling of the security situation, particularly against attacks by immoderate, extremist Islamist factions to convince the deportees to return to their homes.

"At this point, I doubt we’re going to see any sort of mass movement of refugees and IDP’s (internally displaced persons) from camps both in Kenya and inside Somalia back to their areas of origin until there’s a proven track record by the TFG and Sheikh Sharif that he can provide some basic security in Mogadishu and its surrounds. That is the core issue in Somalia right now: how to build the political coalition under the umbrella of the TFG, and how to establish a professional, credible security force that is responsible to the political actors in the TFG that can provide security for civilians", he said.

The recent return to Mogadishu of Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, who headed Somalia’s Islamic Courts Union regime three years ago, poses an additional challenge to the current government. Thomas-Jensen says the radical cleric, who controlled the Somali capital between June and December, 2006, will most likely try to regain influence in Somalia by using the presence of AMISOM and the international funding it receives to portray his rival Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed as a puppet and tool of western and international interests.

"I think Sheikh Aweys’ presence in the Somali capital is an indication, one, that he wants to be a player. He sees an opportunity here to try to carve out some political space for himself to make a run at a greater role. And whether it’s in the TFG or of the armed opposition. But I think it’s really too early to tell at this point exactly how his presence in Mogadishu is going to play out and whether or not he stays there for an extended period of time or if he returns to Eritrea", notes Thomas-Jensen.

As humanitarian agencies work to help the current government build a capacity to deliver health services, clean water, education, and food assistance to make refugees feel safe and confident enough to return home, UN authorities and aid agencies also are being forced to tackle other humanitarian challenges in Somalia. Friday’s meeting in London is expected to address factors such as danger on the high seas from piracy, Somalis who put themselves in peril attempting to cross the Gulf of Aden to Yemen in unsafe vessels, and unfortunate asylum seekers who are forcibly rejected by Kenyan border authorities and returned to destitute circumstances on the Somali side of the border.

On the issue of forcible return, the Enough Project’s Colin Thomas-Jensen suggests that international authorities need to send a clear message to the Nairobi government "from the highest level, both from the United Nations and from countries that have influence", particularly the United States, that it is unacceptable to be relocating refugees by forcible return and in fact, is a violation of international law.

President Sharif himself says the withdrawal of AMISOM must be preceded by reconciliation.

Military courts

But, the signs are that very soon, Sheikh Aweys will start setting up military courts in Mogadishu. At that point, President Sharif will have to show who calls the shots and to do that, he needs international support.

It is time therefore for Nigeria, Ghana and Malawi to keep their pledge and send troops to Somalia and, AMISOM needs to receive funds pledged for its use directly and not through the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa as much of it is getting eaten up in the system.

Attempts to end the conflict in Somalia is gaining international support with the recent pledge of $213.3 million at a conference in Brussels. The latest move came after the new Somalia President, Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, received a very warm welcome at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa. Days before his arrival in Addis, Sheikh Sharif could not imagine he would be welcome in the capital of the state whose troops he fled in 2006. But, one would have assumed that having been the leader of the Islamic Courts Union that once led Somalia, Sheikh Sharif would be adored and that the radical Al-Shabaab would dare not harm him as they tried on many occasions against the more secular Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who resigned in December. Sheikh Sharif actually came close to death on Tuesday when an SU-23 missile was fired at his plane as it approached Mogadishu after a stopover in Nairobi on his way from the Brussels conference.

The SU-23 is an anti-aircraft gun made in the former Soviet Union. It is a deadly weapon that can knock down any aircraft. It was the type of the weapons loaded on MV FAINA that was freed by Somali pirates in March. Sheikh Sharif was lucky. His aides say the artillery came too close but did not find its target, as the weapon needs good aiming.

Radical elements

Already, even before the attack, the African Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was receiving calls from the radical Al-Shabaab group that they should leave Somalia. Sheikh Dahir Aweys, who has a big following among radical elements has declared that he will never have talks with Sheikh Sharif’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) before AMISOM troops quit the country. But AMISOM has only 4,300 soldiers out of the targeted 8,000. The force that is only staffed by Uganda and Burundi cannot be judged as a failure as it is yet to achieve its targeted number. Among countries that have pledged troops to Somalia are Nigeria, Malawi and Ghana. Nigeria and Malawi, in particular, have been putting off deployment of troops for a long time. Nigeria repeated their troop pledge in Brussels last week.

At the meeting, Kenya, Egypt and France pledged to avail their facilities for training Somali personnel. The goodwill at the summit was major. Among the big donors were Japan’s $9 million, Italy gave $5 million while Spain contributed $7 million. Other contributors were Britain ($14 million), US ($50 million) and the European Union ($94 million). Malta, as small as it is, pledged $10,000. But, at the same time, Somali groups are yet to extend a hand of friendship to each other. As a sign of the tension, Sheikh Aweys told a rally in Mogadishu: "I do not recognize the government [of President Sheikh Sharif because it is not a sovereign government and it is commanded by foreign powers". The irony is that Sheikh Aweys and Sheikh Sharif were once in the same government as part of the Islamic Courts Union.

At the same time, there is a moderate group known as Ahlu Sunna Waljamaa that has Ethiopian links and which is out to destroy the radical Al-Shabaab, mainly in South Central Somalia. On its part, Al-Shabaab is supported by Eritrea. One would expect that Sharif’s government would seek the support of Ahlu Sunna in battling Al-Shabaab, but the truth is that Sheikh Sharif fears that Ahlu Sunna may become too powerful and turn against his government. There is also the Hizbul Islam, which is a merger of four radical groups, but less radical than Al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab has demanded the immediate withdrawal of AU peacekeepers from Somalia but the AU special envoy, Mr. Nicholas Bwakira, has stated that the force is in Somalia at the invitation of the government and won’t leave unless told to do so by the government.

The Security Minister of the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), Omar Hashi Aden, on Sunday denounced in a press conference held in his office in Mogadishu the government of Eritrea for its aggressive intervention in Somalia. "We know every movement that Asmara (Eritrea) is behind. It is the only African government opposing us", the Security Minister said in at the press conference. The Security Minister allege that last Tuesday, an Eritrean airplane carrying military equipment arrived at Blad- dogle airport in lower Shabelle region, 100km south of Mogadishu. This is not the first time that the TFG has accused Eritrea of intervening in the sovereignty of Somalia.

Impacting reports from the global village

The Crisis in Somalia: US-NATO Plans to Control the Indian Ocean by Rick Rozoff

Cold War Origins

For the past seven months world news outlets have provided daily coverage on what has been described as escalating piracy off the coast of Somalia in the Gulf of Aden and attempts by international, primarily Western, military vessels to combat it.

Absent from such reporting, as the exigencies of commercial news broadcasting inevitably entail, is how and why the situation in the region reached the impasse it has and what its broader significance is.

Instead the picture presented is, according to the standard formula, a point on a blank canvas with no historical depth, no geo-economic and geopolitical width and no strata of diversified and interrelated causes that contribute to and dynamics that result from what is in truth a lengthy and complex process of developments.

In short the Somali situation is portrayed as a simple and self-contained event that at a seemingly gratuitous moment was declared a crisis.

There are dozens of comparable cases in the world, analogous in the general sense of presenting economic, security, national and regional threats to other nations and their environs, but these have not been declared crises and so aren't given world attention.

The determination of what constitutes a crisis, and a world crisis at that, since the end of the Cold War is a prerogative of the United States and its allies, the governments of which render the verdict, with their own and much of the world's news media echoing the claim.

And the evaluation is inevitably a one-sided affair. What has been observed about Europe's most mature writers - Shakespeare, Goethe and Balzac, for example - that their antagonists were never mere villains, that they reflected the complexity and even ambiguity of real life with no character monopolizing the virtues or the vices - is summarily discarded and a broad panorama of multifaceted motives, players and conflicts reduced to an banal pseudo-morality play with just three actors: Evil culprits, innocent victims and valiant heroes.

The first category is assigned to any individual or group which is opposed to the designs on their nation by major Western powers or, what is interpreted by the latter as the same thing, pursue a policy of protecting local rights and interests. The second is comprised of whoever can be cast into the role to arouse indignation and hostility against the first, currently the crews of Western commercial vessels in the Gulf of Aden. And the third is led by the United States, NATO and the European Union, the self-deputized military vigilantes of the world.

That many of those off the Somali coast capturing foreign, mainly Western, vessels and holding them, their cargo and their crews for ransom are reported to be former fishermen driven out of their sole occupation by years of intrusive and illegal large-scale poaching by world commercial concerns or affected by eighteen years of toxic, including nuclear, wastes dumped off their shores isn't acknowledged. To do so would complicate the narrative contrived by those who have with disastrous consequences interfered in the internal affairs of Somalia and its neighbourhood for several decades and are in large part responsible for the current crisis.

Instead the action begins where the governments of the Western states that have deployed warships, helicopters, snipers and bases to the region script its opening act: With pirates.

As though a director would begin a production of Shakespeare's Hamlet with the protagonist thrusting his sword through Polonius and not with the visitation of his father's ghost, so that Hamlet appeared as a brutal murderer and not a reluctant avenger of parricide and regicide.

The national tragedy of Somalia didn't begin last summer with an increase in the seizure of foreign vessels off its coast; it didn't begin with the armed conflict between the Transitional Federal Government and the Islamic Courts Union in 2006 and the invasion by military forces of the US proxy government of Ethiopia; it didn't commence in 1991 with the ouster of long-time president Siad Barre and internecine fighting between militia groups.

It started in 1977.

Eight years earlier, almost forty years to the day, a military government headed by General Siad Barre came to power in Somalia. Anticipating what would become a general pattern in Africa and indeed throughout most of the non-Euro-Atlantic world, the government pursued a path of non-capitalist, avowedly socialist development. The term Barre and his allies used was scientific socialism; that is, Marxism.

In the decade between 1969 and 1979 similar political and socio-economic transformations occurred throughout Africa, resulting in socialist-oriented governments allied with and receiving assistance from the Soviet Union. In addition to Somalia, nations matching this description included Angola, Benin, Capo Verde, the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville), the Republic of Guinea (Conakry), Guinea Bissau, Libya, Madagascar, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe, with Namibia, Rhodesia, South Africa and Western Sahara poised to follow suit.

The pattern also emerged in Asia - Vietnam with its unification in 1975, Laos, Cambodia (after the ouster of the Khmer Rouge in 1978) and Afghanistan; on the Arabian peninsula with South Yemen; and in Latin America and the Caribbean with Chile, Nicaragua, Grenada, Jamaica and Surinam during the same period.
What was progressing at an apparently inexorable pace was the integration of the Soviet-led socialist bloc, including Cuba, with the entire developing, non-aligned world which coincided with and gave substance to the demands for a New International Economic Order advocated by the developing nations through the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and supported by the world socialist community.

Demands included the replacement of the US-enforced Bretton Woods system - the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in the first instances - in a revision of the entire international economic system that would elevate the nations of the South from mere monoculture exporters to diversified and modernized countries with industrial bases.

On March 25, 1975 the Second General Conference of UN Industrial Development Organisation, meeting in Peru, adopted the Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Development and Co-operation which included the following provisions:

"That every state has the inalienable right to exercise freely its sovereignty and permanent control over its natural resources, both terrestrial and marine, and over all economic activity for the exploitation of these resources in the manner appropriate to its circumstances, including nationalization in accordance with its laws as an expression of this right, and that no state shall be subjected to any forms of economic, political or other coercion which impedes the full and free exercise of that inalienable right".

"That special attention should be given to the least developed countries, which should enjoy a net transfer of resources from the developed countries in the form of technical and financial resources as well as capital goods, to enable the least developed countries in conformity with the policies and plans for development, to accelerate their industrialization".

"The new distribution of industrial activities envisaged in a New International Economic Order must make it possible for all developing countries to industrialize and to obtain an efficient instrument within the United Nations system to fulfill their aspirations".

One objective of the plan was to insure that by 2000 25-30% of world industrial production was to occur in the developing world - and not in the manner that has ensued in the current neo-liberal order with the transfer of manufacturing to underdeveloped states in a manner that has rather intensified than diminished exploitation of both labor and resources.

With the rising tide of political changes in the developing world during the same time, a shift from neocolonialist dependency toward genuine independence and development, and the support of the Soviet-led socialist bloc - which with its industrial base was issuing long-term, low interest loans to southern nations for infrastructural and industrial projects - the prospects for the creation of new global economic and political order was on the near horizon.

But not everyone was pleased with this development.

The US - alone - opposed the Lima Declaration and the follow up New Delhi Declaration and Plan of Action four years later.

America's NATO allies, almost to a member at the time former colonial powers bent on maintaining historical prerogatives over their former possessions, were no less dissatisfied.

And the People's Republic of China, having lost earlier bids to dominate the world communist movement and what it deemed the Third World alike, was focused entirely on combating what it derided as "Soviet social imperialism" and after the secret meeting of Henry Kissinger and Chou En-Lai in Beijing in 1971, followed by Richard Nixon's meeting there with Mao Zedong the next year, worked hand-in-glove with the US to counter Soviet influence around the world, including providing joint support to armed groups fighting against the governments of Angola, Afghanistan, Cambodia and Ethiopia.

With what would in the 21st Century be called the US's hard power/soft power duality and rotation, the Nixon era method of dealing with the reorientation of developing nations away from the West and toward the East - most cynically and brutally exemplified by its support to the military overthrow of the elected Salvador Allende government in Chile in 1973 - gave way to that of the Carter administration and its foreign policy grey eminence and all-purpose Mephistopheles Zbigniew Brzezinski in January of 1977.

The Carter administration had barely moved into the White House when it began to bribe the governments of Somalia, Afghanistan, Egypt and Iraq into entering political and military alliances and in several cases giving notorious "green lights" for military invasions of other nations. Its foreign policy architect was not Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, but the man who brought about Vance's downfall and resignation over the Operation Eagle Claw fiasco in Iran in 1980: Brzezinski, an arch-Russophobe during the Soviet period and ever since even onto the grave.

Somalia is the main subject of investigation, but a brief review of similar cases is in order.

In its first year in office the Carter administration bought off Egypt's Anwar Sadat, splitting the Arab world, destroying any unified approach to the Palestinian catastrophe and the realization of UN resolutions 242 and 338 and ousting the Soviet Union as the fourth partner in the Middle East peace process, leaving Israel and Egypt armed and backed by the US and the rest of the Arab world, including Palestine, unrepresented, unprotected and defenseless.

Since 1979 Egypt has been the second largest recipient of US military aid in the world, with only Israel besting it in that category. Over the past thirty years Egypt has received more US aid, over $30 billion, than any other country.
In the period between Anwar Sadat's visit to Israel in November of 1977 and the Camp David Accords of September of 1978, in March of 1978 Israeli launched an invasion of Lebanon, Operation Litani, with over 25,000 troops, a warm-up exercise for the full-fledged attack of 1983.

This was one of the green lights given by the Carter administration.
A year later Washington gave a green light to China to invade Vietnam, according to Beijing to "punish" the latter for its role in helping drive the Khmer Rouge from Cambodia the previous year.

In the summer of 1978 US National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, emulating Kissinger's trip in 1971, paid a secret visit to Beijing to normalize relations with China, leading to recognition of the People's Republic and de-recognition of Taiwan on January 1, 1979.

On January 29, 1979 Chinese Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping arrived in Washington, the first visit by a senior Chinese official to the United States since 1949.

According to former Balkans hand and current US Afghanistan-Pakistan point man Richard Holbrooke, the trip "began with a private dinner at Brzezinski’s house". [1]

Deng left on February 6 and eleven days later China launched an invasion of Vietnam along its entire northern border.
Reports exist that in July of 1980 US CIA officials - some rumors say Brzezinski himself - traveled to the Jordanian capital of Amman to meet with high-ranking officials of the Iraqi government. Then Iranian president Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr claims the meeting included both Brzezinski and Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. [2]

As recently as March of 2009 Iran's Ayatollah Ali Khamenei renewed the accusation, stating that "They gave Saddam the green light to attack our country. If Saddam had not received the green light from the U.S., most probably he would not have attacked our borders".

Later the first Reagan administration secretary of state, Alexander Haig, wrote in a memo to Reagan that "President Carter gave the Iraqis a green light to launch the war against Iran through [Saudi Arabian Prince] Fahd".

In appreciation of Somalia's geo-strategic importance, in the first days of the Carter-Brzezinski administration efforts were made to wean Somalia from its pro-Soviet stance and to secure military, mainly naval, bases on its territory.
The covert campaign was largely conducted through the mediation of Saudi Arabia and in July led to the Somali invasion of the Ogaden region of Ethiopia with tens of thousands of troops, tanks and war-planes.

"Somalia had mounted its major offensive in Ogaden because of a U.S. promise to furnish arms aid. The U.S. policy had resulted from Ethiopia's decision to expel U.S. military advisers from the country and its successful bid for aid from the Soviet Union.
"According to the report, Somali President Mohamed Said Barre had received secret U.S. assurances that the U.S. would not oppose 'further guerrilla pressure in the Ogaden' and would 'consider sympathetically Somalia's legitimate defense needs'. [3]

The Soviet Union and its Cuban ally assisted Ethiopia and the US and China, mainly through Saudi Arabia, provided arms to Somalia.

Brzezinski urged the deployment of the US aircraft carrier Kitty Hawk to the region as a show of support to Somalia and an act of defiance toward the Soviet Union and its Ethiopian ally and, referring to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks of the time, said "SALT lies buried in the sands of the Ogaden", as a report of the time phrased it "signifying the death of détente".

Somalia was defeated and withdrew the last of its military forces from the Ogaden Desert in March of 1978. Estimates are that the war cost Somalia one-third of its army, three-eighths of its armored units and half of its air force.

In marked the beginning of the end for Barre and for Somalia itself. Barre would linger on as president of a weakened Somalia until his overthrow in 1991, yet another former client cast off after having served his purpose.

His ouster would be followed by years of conflict between rival armed militias and US military intervention that caused the deaths of thousands of Somalis.
Yet for all the horrors US administrations from that of Carter to the current one have visited upon the Somali people, Washington gained what it intended to: Military bases and forces astride many of the world's most strategic shipping lanes and choke points in an area encompassing the Suez Canal and the Red Sea into the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean.

In 1977 the Carter White House issued a presidential directive calling for a worldwide mobile military force which in October of 1979 Carter would officially designate Rapid Deployment Forces (RDF).

The site for its first deployments were to be the recently acquired military client states of Somalia and Egypt along with Sudan, Oman and Kenya.

The initiative was inaugurated as the Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force (RDJTF) on March 1, 1980 and according to its first commander, "It's the first time that I know of that we have ever attempted to establish, in peacetime, a full four service Joint Headquarters". [4]

Originally envisioned to focus on the Persian Gulf, the RDJTF was expanded to include Egypt, Sudan, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia as well as Afghanistan, Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Pakistan, the People's Republic of Yemen [Aden], Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and the Yemen Arab Republic.

That is, from the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf to the eastern coast of Africa to the western one of the Indian subcontinent with the northern half of the Indian Ocean and its seas and gulfs included.

Carter's announcement of the launching of the Rapid Deployment Forces preceded by three months his 1980 State of the Union Address in which he laid out the doctrine that has since borne his name.

Coming less than a month after the first Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, Carter's comments included this disingenuous hyperbole:

"The region which is now threatened by Soviet troops in Afghanistan is of great strategic importance: It contains more than two-thirds of the world's exportable oil. The Soviet effort to dominate Afghanistan has brought Soviet military forces to within 300 miles of the Indian Ocean and close to the Straits of Hormuz, a waterway through which most of the world's oil must flow".

That at the time a small handful of Soviet troops had arrived in Kabul, the capital of a landlocked nation hundreds of miles from one of the world's five oceans, could in no conceivable manner affect the Straits of Hormuz.

Carter continued: "An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force".

Brzezinski claims credit for authoring the second half of the above sentence, modeling it on the Truman Doctrine "to make it very clear that the Soviets should stay away from the Persian Gulf". [5]

It is exactly the Carter Doctrine that was employed by the US for its two wars against Iraq in 1991 and 2003 and for its ongoing military presence in the Persian Gulf in preparation for aggression against Iran.

As "soft power" Carter was succeeded by "hard power" Reagan, the Rapid Deployment Forces were converted into Central Command, the US's first new regional military command since World War II, under Defence Secretary Caspar Weinberger.

Central Command (CENTCOM) has as its area of responsibility twenty nations: Afghanistan, Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, the United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan, and Yemen. It also takes in the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and western portions of the Indian Ocean.

It also included the only African nations not formerly assigned to the European and Pacific Commands - Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia and the Sudan - until all 53 African states were turned over to the new African Command last October.

CENTCOM was the main force in the 1991 and 2003 wars against Iraq and the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. Both Iraq and Afghanistan remain in its area of responsibility and its current commander, General David Petraeus, is in charge of operations in both nations.

It has bases in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Pakistan and Central Asia and until recently at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti on the Horn of Africa, now part of African Command.

The Command's zone of operations is in fact the northern half of the Indian Ocean from the Persian Gulf and the Straits of Hormuz where some 40% of the oil shipped in the world passes to the Gulf of Aden where, as recent reports frequently repeat, ten percent of all global shipping occurs to the Strait of Malacca between Malaysia and Indonesia where 25% of world trade, including half of all sea shipments of oil and two-thirds of global liquefied natural gas shipments bound for East Asia, pass.

In addition to the US, NATO launched its first naval operation in the Gulf of Aden last October and has now resumed it with the deployment of the Standing NATO Maritime Group 1 (SNMG1).

The SNMG1 held naval maneuvers with Pakistan last week off the coast of Karachi in the Arabian Sea.

These deployments are a continuation of NATO's plans in the region described last year by veteran Indian journalist M K Bhadrakumar in an article titled "NATO reaches into the Indian Ocean":

"By October 15 [2008], seven ships from NATO navies had already transited the Suez Canal on their way to the Indian Ocean. En route, they will conduct a series of Persian Gulf port visits to countries neighboring Iran - Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, which are NATO's 'partners' within the framework of the so-called Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. The mission comprises ships from the US, Britain, Germany, Italy, Greece and Turkey.

NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General John Craddock, acknowledged that the mission furthers the alliance's ambition to become a global political organization.

By acting with lightning speed and without publicity, NATO surely created a fait accompli.

NATO's naval deployment in the Indian Ocean region is a historic move and a milestone in the alliance's transformation. Even at the height of the Cold War, the alliance didn't have a presence in the Indian Ocean. Such deployments almost always tend to be open-ended.

In retrospect, the first-ever visit by a NATO naval force in mid-September last year to the Indian Ocean was a full-dress rehearsal to this end. Brussels said at that time, 'The aim of the mission is to demonstrate NATO's capability to uphold security and international law on the high seas and build links with regional navies.' In 2007, a NATO naval force visited Seychelles in the Indian Ocean and Somalia and conducted exercises in the Indian Ocean and then re-entered the Mediterranean via the Red Sea in end-September.

[An] Indian warship [dispatched off the coast of Somalia] will eventually have to work in tandem with the NATO naval force. This will be the first time that the Indian armed forces will be working shoulder-to-shoulder with NATO forces in actual operations in territorial or international waters.

The operations hold the potential to shift India's ties with NATO to a qualitatively new level". [6]

Securing the safe passage of vessels in the Gulf of Aden and particularly those delivering United Nations World Food Programme aid is a legitimate concern.
Plans by the United States and NATO to turn the whole Indian Ocean into its military and global energy war lake are not.

Notes

1) Project Syndicate, December 28, 2008

2) My Turn To Speak: Iran, The Revolution And Secret Deals With The U.S, 1991

3) Newsweek, September 23, 1977

4) Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies Journal, June 1981

5) Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser

6) Asia Times, October 20, 2008 Global Research Stop NATO

EU and NATO: Interlocking or Inter-blocking? ask Stéphanie Hofmann and Ken Weisbrode - both fellows at the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute - in World Politics Review and elaborate:

With many of the world's navies engaged in anti-pirate patrols off the coastal waters of Somalia, it's no surprise to find French, German and Spanish frigates among them. The frigates are there, though, not under their respective national commands, but rather under that of a joint EU naval force, whose mission is to protect World Food Program vessels delivering food aid to Somalia, as well as commercial and other vessels threatened by pirates in the Gulf of Aden.

While EU NAVFOR Somalia is the EU's first maritime operation, it is not its first military operation, whether in Africa or beyond.

The EU might lack major permanent military capabilities and assets, not to mention a strictly unified foreign policy. It has also yet to formulate clear agreements for joint operations with other military organizations, most notably NATO.

But it has had the power to deploy expeditionary forces over great distance for some time. EU troops have deployed under the EU flag to Chad, Darfur and Congo, not to mention Bosnia, Kosovo, Palestine, Afghanistan, Aceh, South Lebanon and a host of other places -- as observers, peacekeeping "monitors", police trainers and soldiers.

In almost all of these instances, the EU has operated in support of U.N. Security Council resolutions, often alongside U.N. troops, and in some cases, such as South Lebanon, as part of a U.N. peacekeeping mission. It has also frequently operated alongside NATO troops, despite the two organizations sharing many member states. Indeed, 21 countries are members of both NATO and the EU, but you wouldn't know it by observing their coordination in real time.

Does it matter which organization the troops adhere to? To some people it does.

After the Cold War ended, policymakers designing European security architecture seemed to agree that NATO should operate "out of area", that is, on expeditionary missions, while continuing to provide for Europe's external defense. For its part, the EU was expected to develop the capacity to take care of problems closer to home. The architectural mot du jour was "interlocking institutions".

This did not happen as planned, in part because NATO was forced to step in when the EU proved unable to intervene effectively in the Balkans. NATO enlargement also proceeded faster than that of the EU, despite the wishes of many people -- particularly in the U.S. -- that the process happen the other way around.

As a result, NATO and the EU now coexist with a confusing and ambiguous set of overlapping tasks, with no clear functional or geographical division of labor in the cards anytime soon. Nor have they signed any formal agreements regarding information sharing, security guarantees and a code of conduct, despite having troops, often from the same country, serving side by side in harm's way. Playing it by ear is the order of the day. Instead of interlocking, the two institutions have become inter-blocking.

Bureaucratic inertia is not the only reason. The architects have a point.

Each organization serves different aims and national constituencies. Historically, NATO's purpose, in Lord Ismay's famous epithet, was to keep the Americans in, the Russians out and the Germans down. That formula is no longer valid. The Americans are still in, but the Germans are now up for good and the Russians are far less menacing. So NATO, apart from serving as the world's expeditionary force of last resort, seems to linger on in order to keep the EU out of the security business.

Apart from that, both organizations have suffered from a lack of determination and clear vision. NATO has not managed to formulate a clear set of guidelines for "out of area" deployments, while discussions about a new strategic concept for the alliance continue inconclusively. As for the EU, its nascent security role seems rather unserious, in spite of its token deployments, mainly because hardly any European governments are willing to put their money where their mouth is -- with many still paying lip service to NATO as being primus inter pares in the security realm.

Decision-making in both organizations can also be held hostage to the whims of its members, a problem exacerbated by conflicts that overlap the two bodies, such as that between Turkey (NATO), Greece (NATO and EU) and Cyprus (EU). Neither organization has proven greater than the sum of its parts so far as global deployments are concerned.

A single Euro-Atlantic expeditionary force would be too difficult to establish in these circumstances. But the two organizations could improve communication and coordination -- both before and during crises -- by integrating, to the greatest extent possible, relevant personnel in the various national foreign and defense ministries. The same officers ought to oversee both NATO and EU deployments, something that only happens now in a few governments, notably the British. On the ground, troops might even use the NATO and EU flags interchangeably, or even both simultaneously. There is a long precedent for this within NATO itself, where the American Supreme Allied Commander wears two "hats" as head of the U.S. European Command and as NATO's top soldier.

But that would only be a temporary solution. A few more pirates with much bigger weapons could be enough to convince both NATO and the EU that they can no longer afford the luxury of lousy coordination and mismatched agendas. Having entered a policy field traditionally occupied by NATO, the EU needs to take more responsibility and get its defense house in order. And NATO must accept that it cannot remain the only player in Euro-Atlantic security forever.

Somali piracy: A seagoing anomaly in maritime law, says Edward White, a Florida Bar Board certified attorney in Admiralty Law

We have all read about the seagoing hijacking of the U.S. container ship "Maersk ALABAMA" by Somali pirates, the hostage taking of Capt. Richard Phillips and his rescue by the United States Navy and Navy Seals killing three of the pirates with one being captured. As a former Marine officer, this saga brings back into mind the successful attack by United States Marines on the Barbary pirates ordered by President Thomas Jefferson in 1804. It is memorized in the opening words of the Marine Corps hymn in the words "From the halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli". The first Navy warship to carry Marines was the U.S.S. Enterprise which took part in the Barbary Pirate invasion. I was privileged to be given a scale model of the Enterprise by the Southeastern Admiralty Law Institute. I have been asked to comment on the aspects of the current Somali pirate situation from a maritime law aspect. The fourth pirate, Abduwali Muse, in the "Maersk ALABAMA" attack and attempted hijacking is subject to U.S. law because it is an American flagged and owned vessel with an American crew.

Piracy is a crime under 18 United States Code, Section 1651, entitled Piracy Under Law of Nations and provides: "Whoever, on the high seas, commits the crime of piracy as defined by the law of nations, and is afterwards brought into or found in the United States, shall be imprisoned for life". As to ships engaged in piracy, the United States Courts in the early 1800s were presented cases seeking forfeiture of vessels used in piracy. In the first case the vessel was Spanish owned, and operating as a privateer under a Spanish Royal Commission. The U.S. Circuit Court held that the vessel was not subject to forfeiture under the piracy statute because of the Spanish royal commission. The case went to the Supreme Court which divided evenly on the piracy issue and the vessel went free.

In the next case (The Brief Malek Adhel 43 U.S. 210, 1844), the vessel was seized for "piratical aggressions and condemned, with the owners protesting and claiming they had no knowledge the acts of piracy; there was no royal commission to justify the acts of the vessel" The Supreme Court through Justice Story held: "The vessel which commits the aggression is treated as the offender, as the guilty instrument or thing to which the forfeiture attaches, without any reference whatsoever to the character or conduct of the owner. It is not an uncommon course in the admiralty, acting under the law of nations, to treat the vessel in which or by which, or by the master or crew thereof, a wrong or offense has been done as the offender, without any regard whatsoever to the personal misconduct or responsibility of the owner thereof".

Now, to the anomalies presented in the current acts of piracy off the coast of Somalia. The case of the "Maersk ALABAMA" involved citizens of Somalia attacking a U.S. flagged, owned and operated cargo vessel in international waters of the Indian Ocean. A legal anomaly arises because Somali has no real operating government and presumably has no anti-piracy treaty with the United States. If a country has an anti-piracy treaty with the United States, its citizens or subjects conducting piracy are subject to the same life imprisonment penalty under 18 United States Code Section 1653. In recent reports of piracy attempts of the coast of Somalia where the piracy has been thwarted the vessel has been saved and the crew members/hostages have been freed. But, then paradoxically the pirates are released. This seems to fly in the face of the Law of Nations and universal condemnation of the Somali pirates.

On April 18, Dutch commandos from a Dutch frigate with NATO forces rescued 20 [in reality 16] Yemeni fishermen whose boat had been seized by pirates. Then the Dutch released the Somali hijackers "because they had no authority to arrest them". [the following sentence by the author is simply not fact: "Recently a Belgian flagged vessel was seized by pirates near the Seychelles Islands, a NATO patrolling warship came to the rescue, freed the foreign crew, disarmed the pirates and then released them because they had "no jurisdiction to try them"]".

The NATO reports patrolling forces do so because "NATO does not have any detainment policy. In the case of the Dutch frigate the Dutch authorities stated they could not arrest the pirates because none of the hijack victims or the vessel or the pirates were Dutch. On April 19, a similar result occurred when U.S. and Canadian warships and helicopters thwarted the attack on a Norwegian tanker by Somali pirates. The Canadian ship a part of the NATO force interrogated, disarmed, and then released the pirates "because they could not be prosecuted under Canadian law". Obviously the problem of the current Somali pirates is complicated by NATO policy. It is further complicated by the fact of multiple jurisdictional aspect of international shipping. It is common for vessels to be flagged by countries where the licensing is easy, cheap and taxes are low, such a Liberia, Cyprus, Panama, Togo, etc.

The vessel is normally owned by a corporation headquartered in another country, it is chartered by a company from another country, and the crew is made of other foreign nationals. Many vessels have their officer staffs from one country (for example England, Greece, Norway, etc.) and the remainder of the crew are from other countries, such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Croatia, Romania, Greece, etc. The jurisdictional aspects are mind boggling, and most of the countries either have no piracy laws or conflicting laws. The shipping company elects to negotiate and pay the ransom for the vessel and crew. Last year reportedly $1 million was paid for the release of a Saudi supertanker. As a result, the piracy is rewarded, the pirates become rich and the hijacking goes on. The government of Somalia, if any, does nothing, and the pirates are local heroes. This, of course, encourages the pirates, and in Somali it is reported that pirates are on the highly favored list of Somali women for marriage, because of the easy money and their rich life style. Until there is some agreement and enforceable international policy and law against piracy the paradoxical situation of interception of hijacking, rescue of the vessel and crew and subsequent release of the pirates will simply go on.

There are exceptions, the French have an absolute policy of deterring piracy and eliminating pirates by force. They board the hijacked vessels when they approach the coast of Somalia, a red line status. French commando units board the vessels and attack the pirates. This has of course lead to loss of life for hostages as well as the pirates. In one case the pirates escaped ashore in Somalia, and the French pursued them into the desert. There are currently 12 captured pirates in French custody being returned to France for prosecution. The U.S. policy was defined when the order came to permit the Navy seal snipers to fire when Capt. Phillips' life was in imminent danger from a pirate aiming an AK-47 at his back. Before that the U.S. negotiation terms were no ransom, surrender by the four pirates, they be arrested and tried in a U.S. court. Of course they would not agree to these terms, and three of them paid the ultimate price. On the subject, President Barack Obama has stated: "We are resolved to halt the rise of piracy in that region. We're going to have to continue to work with our partners to prevent future attacks. We have to continue to be prepared to confront them when they arise".

The German Dilemma
by Edouard Husson

German society values peace more than anything, as opinion polls show. The Germans have been overwhelmingly rejecting the sending of Bundeswehr troops to Afghanistan since 2001. In 2002 the German voters reelected Chancellor Schröder, against all forecasts, because he was strictly against Germany’s participation in a new war against Iraq. And the Social Democratic candidate this time (general elections will take place next September), German Foreign Minister Steinmeier, who happens to be Schröder’s former closest advisor, is trying to repeat Schröder’s tactics by pleading, a few weeks after Barack Obama’s speech in Prag, for Germany’s denuclearization. Steinmeier may gain a few points in opinion polls by doing so because this would be one of the few areas where the voters would notice a real difference between the two currently ruling parties (Social and Christian Democrats). But even if Mr. Steinmeier reiterated Schröder’s success thanks to his plea for disarmament — a very unlikely perspective — would it change anything after the election? After all, Germany’s opposition to the Iraq war did not fundamentally change the course of German foreign policy, which does not take much in account the views of German society.

Germany’s reunification brought in 18 million new citizens who were still more pacifistic than their West-German cousins — a result of the former GDR’s peace propaganda. But Berlin’s policy went in the opposite direction after 1990 — against the will of its own people. German troops participated in most conflicts which were led by NATO or an American-led coalition since 1990: in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan etc…If you have a look at the excellent website www.german-foreign-policy.com , you will see that German military advisers are today active in Mongolia, in Central Asia and in Africa. Germany is leading in trying to destabilize the Sudanese government in order to get access to Sudan’s energy resources. The German Luftwaffe played a key-role in recent military exercises in Abu Dhabi (a preparation of a possible war against Iran?).

This is a very paradoxical evolution. Germany rejected militarism after 1945 through "westernizing" itself. But the German role in NATO is bringing militarism back into the core of that nation’s politics and economics. Without its integration into NATO structures, the German government would not be able to develop its current military strategy. First, the German voters would not allow huge military expenses; secondly, the German economic model (Wilhelm Röpke’s conservatism) is strictly against huge government spending. This is the reason why today’s Germany is developing a kind of political schizophrenia.

Officially the military service is still at the core of the Bundeswehr’s spirit, contributing in an essential way to the rejection of militarism, through the teaching of "Innere Führung" (the soldier’s freedom to disobey an order he would disagree with); but the government cares only about the modernization of the professional troops which are taking part in wars in which Western countries are betraying their own ideals. Officially, Germany did not take part in the Iraq war; but the German secret services were cooperating with the Americans during the war’s preparation; and American war planes were allowed to fly over Germany during the invasion of Iraq. Officially (due to 1990’s reunification treaty) Germany has to remain a non-nuclear military power; but some German Tornados would be equipped with nuclear bombs if NATO decided to launch a nuclear attack. And Mr. Steinmeier, if elected Chancellor, would not challenge this reality since he would never dare have Germany leaving NATO.

German politicians are overwhelmingly NATO-orientated, in a perfect symmetry to the society’s overwhelming pacifism. My question is: can a democracy afford to live for a long time in such a contradiction? Germany runs no risk of backsliding into militarism. But the country could become in coming years the best example of a democracy losing its substance because of a double standard, an essential contradiction between the values of the ruling elite and those of the common man. You will never lead ordinary Germans to supporting a large-scale conflict. But the nation’s vulnerability lies in its economy. Germany has been proud of its prosperity for decades. The totally destroyed country of 1945 had become an economic giant as early as 1970; and it has been resisting the gradual disintegration of the global economy (I have in mind the terrible effects of the destruction of the Bretton Woods monetary system from 1971 on) through a policy which remained much more authentically market-orientated than in most other Western countries.

But the country is nearing the end of its capacity to resist, in this regard. It is much more severely weakened by today’s global crisis than expected. And a country which already ranks in third place internationally, as far as arms sales are concerned, could be tempted to increase its contribution to the Western military-industrial complex. If the global crisis worsens and the international community remains unable to agree on new rules for the global economy, German business would certainly be glad to take advantage of State contracts — following a trend of the last 15 years — and ordinary people would be grateful to escape unemployment. Such a perspective does not concern Germany alone, but the contrast between the values on which the country has been resting since the 1950’s and today’s consensus among political rulers is very striking. It means that Germany is a kind of laboratory’s of Western democracy’s future.

This future is still very open. Hartmut Mehdorn’s fate is one of the best examples of what is at stake. The CEO of the Deutsche Bahn (German railway system) was forced to resign a few weeks ago after it had been discovered that he had organized a sophisticated global spying system of the company’s own employees. Mrs. Merkel has been defending Mr. Mehdorn as long as she could. Like her predecessor Gerhard Schröder, she was impressed by the former Luftwaffe officer style of leadership. After leaving the Bundeswehr and before taking charge of the German railway, Mr. Mehdorn had been one of the executive officers of Daimler’s arms production sector.

He brought to civilian industry a pronounced taste for hierarchy at any cost and saw the conquest of foreign markets as a priority — reducing the company’s investments in Germany to the point of disorganizing the whole railway system. As a result trains are always late in today’s Germany — against the society’s love for punctuality. While rejecting Mr. Mehdorn’s methods so loudly that the Chancellor had to abandon him, German public opinion expressed its distaste for every remnant of "Prussianism" and what could recall Germany’s authoritarian past. But what will happen on the long run? In a democracy, the ruling elites are being recruited — theoretically — from the entire society. What if the ruling classes’ fascination for Western Kriegsspiele gets anchored more and more deeply, bringing a majority of the voters to a passive acceptance of what they disapprove? This is no typically German dilemma but, maybe; what is going on in Germany is of particular importance for all of us.

Britain’s special forces to have new weapon, reports Matt Bingham in the Sunday Times. The 'shallow water combat submersible' is lightweight mini sub with sonar sensors to detect and evade enemy pre-landing. The combat divers of Britain’s Special Boat Service (SBS) will soon be getting some new transport. The "shallow water combat submersible" (SWCS) will be able to carry six frogmen for 100 miles at depths of up to 300ft. Studded with sonar sensors, the lightweight mini-sub is designed to detect and evade an enemy, before landing special forces under its nose. Somalia’s pirates won’t know what hit them.

It is surely no coincidence that the development of the 30ft submersible is being fast-tracked just as maritime piracy rears its head again. Brought to a war zone by a larger submarine, a surface vessel or even an aircraft, the stealth-equipped mini-sub will take specialists in reconnaissance, assassination or demolition close to a hostile coast or vessel. It is being designed for America’s equivalent of the SBS, the Navy Seals. The latter were in action last month in the rescue of Captain Richard Phillips from Somali pirates; Seal snipers shot dead three kidnappers. The mini-sub will replace the Seals’ and the SBS’s US-made "swimmer delivery system", known as the Mk VIII boat. The 22ft, electrically powered Mk VIII is ridden by a crew exposed to the sea and owes a design debt to the midget submarines developed by Britain and Japan during the second world war.

Sadly, its electronics are nearly as old, dating back to its conception in the mid-1970s. Its replacement, which will also doubtless be shared by the two forces, also "runs wet" — that is, floods with water once launched, saving the trouble of fitting an airlock. It will benefit from recent developments in electronic warfare, possessing a miniaturised Doppler sonar, the sonic equivalent of radar, able to provide a three-dimensional image of the sub’s surroundings. Coupled with data provided by motion sensors, it will allow the boat’s powerful computers to navigate underwater in zero visibility and with unprecedented accuracy, without the need to surface to obtain visual references or a sat nav fix.

Unlike the Mk VIII, the submersible will have the ability to raise a periscope — but this won’t be an old-school optical version. Instead it will use video imaging technology. Before the main part of this sensor mast even breaks the surface, a whisker-like antenna attached to the top will poke above the waves and sniff for radar activity. If it detects an enemy sweep, the boat dives and moves somewhere safer before repeating the process. Passive sonar sensors on the exterior and a sound-absorbing fiberglass hull help it to evade detection underwater, and battery-powered electric motors allow it to run almost silent. The mini-sub will be equipped with a pair of smart, torpedo-like probes. Using side-scanning sonar, they can scout the waters on each side of the boat, returning either to the mini-sub or its host vessel at the end of a mission.

The stealthiest way of launching the mini-sub will be underwater, via another submarine. Like the Mk VIII boat, it will emerge from a dry deck station, an airtight cylinder that can be fitted onto a larger submarine in hours, or even dropped directly into the ocean from a cargo plane. Two such stations will be piggy-backed on the US Navy’s new SSGN boats — Ohio-class nuclear missile submarines that have been fitted for Seal operations. "SSGNs are a brilliant idea", says Lewis Page, defense correspondent for The Register, a technology news website. "The navy had these four boats lying around after the Salt arms reduction talks made them redundant, so they stripped out their ballistic missiles and replaced them with 154 non-nuclear Tomahawk cruise missiles. This also left enough space to accommodate more than 100 Seal frogmen and mission specialists". The first underwater cruise missile launch from an SSGN took place last year, and a base is now being built for them in Diego Garcia, the British-controlled island in the Indian Ocean. This would put the boats within operational reach of Somalia, as well as Iran, where they could lurk offshore for months at a time, inserting and recovering Seals via mini-subs. Britain, meanwhile, will be launching its first SBS stealth sub by 2013 from the Royal Navy’s latest Astute-class nuclear submarines, the first of which is expected to go into service this year.

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End of Ecoterra Press Release

Note
Picture: A mere and brief study of Somalia’s geo-strategic position, in combination with an analysis of the colonial powers’ targets for world supremacy in the next 10 years, explains the reasons of their criminal policy against the Horn of Africa Nation as well as their end objectives in this regard.