Saudi Arabia’s Najranis Demand UN-led Intervention, Referendum for Secession, Merge with Yemen

In eight earlier articles, entitled ‘Freedom for Tyrannized Najran, Yemenite Territory Under Illegal Saudi Control’, ‘Stop the Saudi Tyranny in Yemenite Najran! Call for a UN-organized Referendum in Najran’, ‘Freedom and Respect for the Rights of the Tyrannized Ismailis of Najran – Saudi Arabia’, ‘A Paradise Turned to Hell: Yemenite Province Najran Annexed by Saudi Arabia’, ‘Najran Yemenites: Victims of English Colonialism and its Pawns, the Ignorant and Inane Wahhabis’, ‘Official Saudi Attacks Against Subjugated Shia Yemenites – Revelation of the Wahhabi Evilness’, ‘Najran Yemenite Minority Excluded from Public Life in Saudi Arabia’ and ‘US, UK, Saudi Arabia: Accomplices in Discrimination Against the Ismaili Shia Yemenites of Najran’, I stressed the troubles of the tyrannized Yemenites of Najran, who have been forced by the colonial plans of England to be incorporated within the homonymous province of Saudi Arabia.

The Shia Yemenite Najranis have been terribly tyrannized and their persecution and oppression has been carried out by the English colonialism’s best children, the ominous Sunni Wahhabites who are the focus of all sorts of terrorism and evildoing necessary for the eschatological and pseudo-messianic plans of the Apostate Freemasonic Lodge that controls the English and the French political, military and financial establishments.

Recently, the leading NGO Human Rights Watch focused on the issue and published a devastating report that provides with a detailed record of Human Rights violations practiced by the Sunni Wahhabite authorities of Saudi Arabia – the undeservedly and shamelessly venerated ‘allies’ in the War against Terrorism –, which definitely underscores the political need for immediate secession of Najran from Saudi Arabia and reunification with Yemen.

In the aforementioned articles, I published the first seven chapters (Summary and Recommendations, the Background, Relevant International Standards, the Clash and Crackdown of April 2000, the Aftermath, Official Attacks on Ismaili Ethnic and Religious Identity, Ismaili Participation in Public Affairs, and Discrimination) of the comprehensive Report, which is entitled "The Ismailis of Najran - Second-class Saudi Citizens".

Completing the series with the present article, I republish the Acknowledgements and the Appendix. The conclusion is that an international solution must be implemented in that Saudi province which is as large as Bulgaria. Longer Najran remains annexed in Saudi Arabia, greater the danger of a Shia revolt against Saudi Arabia is.

Najran Yemenites must be given the possibility to select the country they want to belong to by means of a UN-organized and monitored referendum.

The Ismailis of Najran - Second-class Saudi Citizens

http://hrw.org/reports/2008/saudiarabia0908/index.htm

Acknowledgments

http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/saudiarabia0908web.pdf

This report is based on research conducted in Saudi Arabia in December 2006, with additional research based on visits in May 2007 and March 2008, and in July 2006 in Bahrain. Christoph Wilcke of the Middle East and North Africa Division of Human Rights Watch is the principal researcher and author of this report.

We would like to express our sincere thanks to those Saudi Isma’ilis who mustered the courage to contact us during our visits to the kingdom or who spoke to us via telephone to share their stories, often at great personal risk. With few exceptions they expressed fear of government retaliation for speaking to Human Rights Watch.

Prominent Ismaili leaders who spoke out against discrimination have been or remain in detention. To protect those who shared information with us, we have substituted pseudonyms for their real names where appropriate.

Joe Stork, deputy director of the Middle East and North Africa Division and Ian Gorvin, senior program officer in the Program Office, edited the report. Clive Baldwin, senior legal advisor, provided legal review. Amr Khairy, Arabic language website and translation coordinator, provided assistance with translation into Arabic. Brent Giannotta and Nadia Barhoum, associates for the Middle East and North Africa Division, prepared this report for publication. Additional production assistance was provided by Grace Choi, director of publications, and Fitzroy Hepkins, mail manager.

Appendix

New York, May 1, 2008

H.R.H. Prince Mish’al bin Sa’ud bin Abd al-‘Aziz Al Sa’ud
Governor Najran Province
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
VIA FACSIMILE: +966 7 522 6080

Your Royal Highness:

Human Rights Watch is preparing a report on the situation of Isma’ilis in Najran and we wish to seek the governorate’s opinion on certain questions of policy and fact. I regret that during a brief visit to Najran in December 2006 I was unable to schedule a meeting with you as my visit largely fell on the weekend.

The questions below ask for many details and some statistical information. They address areas where Human Rights Watch has received statements of concern about potential human rights abuses. In March 2008 we spent one week in Riyadh to discuss with government officials our reports on four other human rights topics in Saudi Arabia prior to publication. These meetings were very helpful to aid us in understanding government policy and efforts.

We will endeavor to include any information you can send us into our report, provided we receive it by May 21, 2008. Should you or your staff prefer to meet in person to discuss these issues we can aim to come to Najran in the coming weeks.

We thank you for your attention to this matter.

Sincerely,

Sarah Leah Whitson
Executive Director
Middle East and North Africa Division

Cc: Shaikh Turki bin Khalid al-Sudairy, Chairperson, Human Rights Commission

Questions to the Governor of Najran Province, H.R.H. Prince Mish’al bin Sa’ud

Concerning the Situation of Najran’s Isma’ili Population

We would in general be interested in the government’s estimated numbers of Isma’ilis, Zaidis, Sunnis, and foreign nationals residing in Najran province.

We would also like to receive examples of a public statements in which high government officials like yourself have made public condemnations of religious discrimination or hate speech against a religious minority, in particular the Isma’ilis of Najran.

Our specific questions are:

1. Closure of Mosques – Eid al-Fitr 1420

a. What was the reason for closing Isma’ili mosques during the Isma’ili Eid al-Fitr in 1420?

b. How many persons did the security forces arrest that day?

2. Arrest of Muhammad al-Khayyat – April 23, 2001

a. What was the official charge and evidence against Muhammad al-Khayyat? Did he stand trial? When was he deported and for what reason?

b. During the arrest of al-Khayyat, one or more shots were reportedly fired. Who fired those shots? Was anyone injured?

c. Did security forces arrest students present with al-Khayyat at the time? Were they charged? If so, when and with which offense, and what was the outcome of the trials?

3. Holiday Inn Events – April 23, 2001

a. When did you first receive notice that a delegation of Isma’ili elders wished to see you on April 23, 2001? What form did their request take? Why did you not meet with them?

b. Were there any communications or negotiations with Isma’ili representatives outside the Holiday Inn hotel on that day? If so, what was discussed or promised by both sides?

c. Your bodyguards reportedly shot and killed an Isma’ili man just outside the lobby of the Holiday Inn as a group of Isma’ili representatives sought to meet with you. What did your investigation determine to be the precise circumstances of this incident?

d. Who called the special army units to the Holiday Inn, and when? Who was in overall charge of the security situation at the Holiday Inn?

e. Who shot at the Holiday Inn building, and how long did the attack last? What was the role of the security forces?

f. How many persons died or were injured that day from gunfire? What are their names, and did they include security forces? Has an inquiry established who or which weapon killed those who died? If so, what is the evidence to support this conclusion?

4. Aftermath of Holiday Inn Events

a. How many persons did the security forces arrest in and around Najran in the days and weeks following the April 23, 2000 shooting outside the Holiday Inn hotel?

b. How many persons were released within a few days? How many remained in detention after three months?

c. What were the precise charges against those who remained in detention? Please provide copies of the charge sheets and trial transcripts and verdicts for all those involved.

d. How many government employees transferred out of the region between May 2000 and May 2002? How many were Isma’ilis? How many transferred out of the region between May 1998 and May 2000?

What were the reasons for the transfer of government employees out of Najran during May 2000 and May 2002? How many government employees resigned before reaching the retirement age during that period?

5. Employment

a. What percentage of the local labor force is employed by the government?

b. Please provide the names, positions, and civil service grades of the 10 highest-ranked Isma’ili officials employed in the governorate. Please also list the 10 highest-ranked non-Isma’ili officials.

c. How many positions (total and percentage) are not subject to normal civil service competitive examinations within the governorate? How many Isma’ilis have been appointed in this manner?

d. Please list the 10 highest-ranked Isma’ili officials in government departments in Najran. How many department (health, water, civil defense, education, …) heads or their deputies are Isma’ili?

e. How many Isma’ilis are in leadership positions (please specify rank and duties) in Najran in:

i. Traffic Police

ii. Criminal Investigation

iii. Anti-drugs

iv. General Investigations

v. The Border Guards

vi. Mujahidin forces

vii. Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice

f. Please provide the academic and professional qualifications for non-Isma’ili department heads and their deputies.

6. Religious Practice

a. Can Isma’ilis observe all their religious practices, including public worship and religious teaching? If not, what are the restrictions and why are they in place?

b. Is the Isma’ili Da’i or any other Isma’ili religious figure presently under official restrictions regarding his movement, the persons he can meet, or the type of activities he can engage in? If so, what are those restrictions, since how long do they exist, and why are they in place?

c. Are Isma’ilis free to import, print, distribute, possess or otherwise use their own religious books and materials? If not, what restrictions are in place and why are they in place?

d. How many applications to build new Isma’ili mosques or carry out construction on existing ones has the governorate received in the past 10 years? How many applications were not granted or modified? What were the reasons for denial or modifications?

e. How many Sunni mosques have been built in Najran over the past 10 years? How many state muezzins and imams currently work in Najran?

f. How many teachers of subjects of Islamic Affairs in Najran’s state schools (all levels) are Isma’ili?

7. The Justice system

a. How many Isma’ilis work in the court system in Najran? How many of them are judges?

b. Over the past year, how many prisoners have benefited from a reduction in their sentenced after having memorized all or part of the Quran? How many of those prisoners were Isma’ilis? How many Isma’ilis applied for this reduction but failed the examination?

c. How many prisoners have been granted furlough for weddings or funerals / wakes in the past year? Have Isma’ili prisoners been granted or denied furlough. If denied, why?

d. How many prisoners have benefited from conjugal visits over the past year? Have Isma’ili prisoners been granted or denied such visits. If denied, why?

Note
Picture: Beautiful skyscrapers made from dried mud (adobe) in Najran, a town near the border of Yemen. Some buildings are destroyed by rain but a couple is still proudly showing their strength! There are stairs inside the buildings but without electricity (not any light bulb!) climbing up feels like walking in a haunted house! On every floor there are rooms for people. From:
http://www.flickr.com/groups/worldwidewandering/discuss/72157594314216294/