Saddam Hung for Cruel Arabization – Talabani, Barzani to Be Impeached for Murderous Kurdification

In eight previous articles, entitled "William Guthrie’s Turcomania: the Correct Name for Inexistent Kurdistan", "Jews and Turkmen Can Prosper Again in Tuz Khurmatu – With Turkey Annexing North Iraq", "Iraq’s Turkmenia to Merge with Turkey: Primary Concern of All Turks and Muslims", "Tombstone on Fake Kurdistan: Turkmen Political and Religious Movements in Iraq", "Turkmen Culture and Literature in Northern Iraq – True Identity vs. Fake Kurdish Propaganda", "Protect Iraq’s Turkmen Cultural Heritage from Barbaric "Kurdish" Terrorists", "Iraqi Turkmen History Reveals Evil Freemasonic Plan to Create a Bogus - Kurdish Nation" and "Iraqi Turkmen – Racist Colonial Projects of Arabization and Kurdification Progress Denounced", I published the first six chapters (and several parts of the lengthy seventh chapter) of an insightful book published by Mofak Salman Kerkuklu, one of the Turkmen foremost intellectuals, on "The Turkmen City of Tuz Khormatu".

Fabricated "Nation" of "Kurds": A Colonial Instrument

As the book bears witness to the Turkmen identity of the Northern Iraqi city, it consists in an excellent refutation of disastrous plans that provide for the formation of a fake state ‘Kurdistan’ which will plunge into strife and disaster the subjugated non-Kurdish nations and ethno-religious groups, either those identified as unrelated (Turkmen, Aramaean, Jewish) or those labeled "Kurds" (Zaza, Sorani, Yazidi, Ahl-e Haq, Feyli, etc.).

In the present article, I publish further parts of the vast seventh chapter, which cover the most recent phases of the Modern History of the colonial entity "Iraq" with focus on Tuz Khormatu. Through an overview of the policies and practices of the Ba’ath regime, one can easily discern that, despite the evidence of its brutal and totalitarian character (which was hypocritically criticized by the US and the UK, provocatively tolerated by France and Germany, and criminally supported by the now defunct USSR and all the illegal Pan-Arabist regimes), the essence of the Ba’ath regime was purely colonial, and Saddam Hussein either he realized it or not was a mere colonial puppet that did nothing but serve his colonial masters (indifferent whether he identified them as such or not) and their evil purposes (of which he was certainly unaware).

The present chapters of Mr. Mofak Salman Kerkuklu’s book are particularly important because they help reveal that the attitude of every colonial structure and regime is absolutely the same. Tyranny and oppression are in fact the secondary elements; they are employed only for the implementation of the primary element of every colonial regime.

The primary element remains always the same, namely the elimination of the national identity, cultural integrity, diachronic historicity and ethno-religious authenticity of the targeted nations and groups. This is hardly necessary to the besotted colonial rulers and dictators who are mere puppets of their colonial masters, the Anglo-French Apostate Freemasonic elites. Little matters whether a colonial dictator acts consciously or unconsciously as a puppet, as the end result is all that counts. What matters is that the colonial plan is implemented and promoted even by cruel rulers who develop a supposedly and apparently anti-colonial and anti-Western rhetoric.

And the colonial project imposes before anything else the rest the prevention of any real nation building, which involves full development, cultivation, promotion, and thorough assimilation of the national identity, the cultural integrity, the diachronic historicity and the ethno-religious authenticity for (and by) each people and nation.

In order to prevent this development that would be lethal for the Anglo-French colonial agenda, the criminal colonial regimes have the tendency to
1) promote fake states within which various nations are in constant strife,
2) push several nations to fake identity concepts,
3) lead other nations to a fake historicity,
4) use various means to trigger cultural disintegration and decomposition, and
5) abruptly violate the ethno-religious authenticity of others.

The worst method of all is the creation of fake nations into which the colonial paranoid and inhuman gangsters compress and squeeze many different nations; it happened in vast scale with the creation of the falsehood of the Arab nation. It took more than 150 years until it worked, leading Berbers, Copts, Sudanese Kushites, Yemenites and Aramaeans to marginalization, oppression and almost extinction, and the emerged pseudo-nations to indescribable misery, suicidal impotence, socio-economic stagnation, and extreme political insignificance.

Now, the same is being attempted with various peoples, strikingly different from one another and linguistically – religiously very divergent from one another, whom the colonial criminal regimes of London and Paris label "Kurds".

In the same way the criminal colonial Arabization programs of the Iraqi pseudo-kingdom and Ba’ath pseudo-republic targeted the Aramaeans the equally criminal colonial Kurdification projects of the gangsters Talabani and Barzani target the Turkmen. In this series I focus on the latter who are not however the only targeted. The Yazidis, the Bahdinani (Kurmanji), the Goranis, the Ahl-e Haq and others, fallaciously depicted as "Kurds", are threatened with cultural genocide perhaps even more gravely. On this issue, I will expand in forthcoming articles.

The Turkmen City of Tuz Khormatu
By Mofak Salman Kerkuklu

The Iraq and Iran War 1980–1988 (The First Gulf War)

One of the Turkmen’s most painful tragedies was that during the Iran–Iraq war (1980 to 1988). While tens of thousands of young Turkmen were enrolled and all the Turkmen reservists were called back to serve in the Iraqi army to fight against the Iranians, their families in Turkmeneli were discriminated against. Thousands of them were forcibly displaced and their property was confiscated under the pretext that they were opposing the war and were members of the outlawed ‘Da'wa’ political party!

The Iraqi government (Ba’ath regime) used the Turkmen as a scapegoat during the Iraq–Iran War (the ‘First Gulf War’). Whereas Arabs and, especially members of the Ba’ath Party, were stationed in safe places, providing planning and logistical support, the Ba’ath regime deliberately brought the Turkmen to the front line during the Gulf war and during the liberation of Kuwait and because of these wars, thousands of Iraqi Turkmen lost their lives – they were either killed in battle or went missing in action. The Iraqi Turkmen suffered severely under the dictatorship of the Socialist Arab Ba’ath Party, whereas the Kurds were exempt from carrying out military services.

Moreover, the 1980s saw the execution of countless Turkmen leaders and elders who were often falsely accused of spying for Turkey or Iran. During the Iran–Iraq war, dozens of Turkmen villages were totally bulldozed to the ground. Turkmen were not allowed to establish any political party or to form any political or cultural organisation. The only party that was allowed to function in Iraq was the Ba’ath party.

The official combination of the assimilation policy and the decomposition policy against the Turkmen by Saddam Hussein’s regime successfully played out for years but assimilation and decomposition would not have been enough to erase or eradicate the Turkish character and the language of the Iraqi Turkmen.

The repressive policies of Iraqi governments were always the order of the day; for fear that the Iraqi Turkmen could be as big a headache as the Iraqi Kurds and the Shi’aa Arabs in the South. Repressive measures by the Ba’ath regime were intensified or relaxed depending on the opinions and the relations of the Iraqi government especially with the Iraqi Kurds. Moreover, in the interim constitution year, 1973, no reference was made to the Turkmen population in Iraq. The Ba’ath regime prohibited public use of the Turkish language in 1980 and the new constitution of 1990 only states that the Iraqi people consist of Arabs and Kurds.

The Uprising of 1991

During the Gulf war in 1991, an operation known as ‘Provide comfort’ was launched by the allied forces to ensure a safe haven through an air exclusion zone, which prohibited Iraqi aircraft from flying north of the 36th parallel.

This safe haven caused the division of the Turkmen into separate communities in the Kurdish autonomous area and under the Iraqi administration. During this period, the Kurdish political party enjoyed unprecedented autonomy in administering their political affairs. However, the treatment of the Turkmen under their control illustrates a pattern of systematic human rights violation.

Almost immediately after Iraq accepted the cease‐fire on the 3rd March, 1991, uprisings began to spread from dissident areas in the north and south of the country. The Shia’a in Basra City and the Najaf and Karbala in southern Iraq took to the streets in protest against the regime.

During the uprising, Sulyaimaniya City, which is a Kurdish‐populated area in the north of Iraq, was the first large city to fall. Within a week, the Kurds controlled the Kurdish Autonomous Region and the nearby city of Kirkuk. In mid‐February, President Bush Snr had called on the Iraqi people and the military to take matters into their own hands. Nevertheless, hopes for US support for the uprising never came but, instead, Iraqi helicopter gunships arrived to quell the uprising.

Civilians and suspected activists in the revolt were arrested by the Iraq armed forces and were executed en masse; moreover, hospitals, schools, mosques, shrines and columns of escaping refugees were bombed and shelled.

According to US intelligence, between 30 000 and 60 000 people were killed by Saddam Hussein’s military. The Turkmen people took the lion’s share of this atrocity in Altun Kuperi, Tuz Khormatu and Kirkuk.

Altun Kuperi is a small Turkmen town located 40 km north of the Turkmen city of Kirkuk. Altun Kuperi means ‘Golden Bridge’ in the Turkmen language. The indigenous inhabitants of Altun Kuperi are Turkmen, but in recent years, a large number of Kurds migrated to this town seeking work as economical migrants especially after the Kurdish rebels in 1975 were suppressed by the Iraqi regime.

During the uprising in March 1991 against the Iraqi regime, the inhabitants of Altun Kuperi decided to leave the town after they had heard that Kirkuk City was retaken by the Iraqi regime and that looting, burning property and summary execution were taking place. With the news of the summary executions, opposition to the Iraqi regime quickly spread to Altun Kuperi. To avoid reprisal, persecution and revenge from the Iraqi secret service and republican guards, the inhabitants of the town decided to escape and shelter in safe areas. The fleeing population from Altun Kuperi were ambushed and rounded up by the Iraqi army and the consequence was that all males were separated from females and the Iraqi armed forces and Iraqi secret service executed hundreds of Iraqi Turkmen and Kurds on the spot. It was two weeks after this despicable crime against the civilian people before the dead people were allowed to be removed and to be buried by their families. The Iraqi government then confiscated the properties of these martyrs. The dead were buried in a mass grave in Altun Kuperi.

In the meantime, during 1991, the people in Tuz Khormatu also rose up against the Ba’ath regime. The consequence of this uprising was the occupation of the city of Tuz Khormatu by the Kurdish militia for a short period. During the occupation of Tuz Khormatu by the Kurds, the Turkmen carried arms and fought vigorously against Saddam’s army alongside the Kurdish rebels. However, the Turkmen paid a very high price for their participation in the uprising when the Kurdish leadership made a secret deal with the Iraqi government (Ba’ath regime) by withdrawing their forces from Tuz Khormatu so as not to be attacked by the Iraqi armed forces. The deal between the Kurds and the Ba’ath regime was carried out secretly and without the knowledge of the Turkmen, and this led to the Kurdish militia withdrawing from the city of Tuz Khormatu in the middle of the night, leaving the Turkmen to suffer the consequences. After the Kurdish militia withdrew from Tuz Khormatu, the Iraqi army entered the city but they faced a vicious resistance and a street war commenced in the district.

The fighting between the opposition and government forces lasted for several hours and some of the opposition fighters withdrew their limited resources and headed to the mountain surrounding Tuz Khormatu, while the remaining fighters melted away into the city’s houses.

While the fighters headed towards the mountains, they were attacked by military helicopters. In the meantime, the Iraqi army and security forces entered the district of Tuz Khormatu and large numbers of fighters were arrested and executed on the spot by Iraqi security forces under the pretext of helping the Kurdish rebels or fighting against the Iraqi government.

The Turkmen people in Tuz Khormatu suffered from neglect and persecution of ethnic and sectarian division of the former totalitarian regime, which itself had executed hundreds of young people and imprisoned many of its children in the early 1980s. They now suffered from the bombing, were exposed to air, land and military invasion, and all kinds of mass killings and looting, firstly, by the Ba’ath regime and, secondly, under the hands of fellow Iraqis after their participation in the public uprising 1991.

Nevertheless, as part of the Iraqi government’s regime of legalising its ethnic cleansing policies, on the 6th of September 2001, in an unprecedented move, it passed Resolution number 199, giving all non‐Arab Iraqis over 18 the right to change their ethnic identity to that of Arab. Such legislation is contrary to all the principles of human rights and was politically motivated.

The Ba’ath council banned Turkmen from acquiring real estate in Kirkuk, with its resolution number 434, dated 11th September 1989 and its resolution number 418, dated 8 April 1984. Turkmen who owned arable land were deported to the southern regions by force. In the 1987 national census in Iraq, Turkmen were openly threatened to declare themselves as either Arabs or Kurds. If they declared themselves Turks, they would be deported to South Iraq.

Mohammed Rashid Bander (1952–1997)

The martyr Mohammed Rashid Bander, who is known as Mohammed Rashid Tuzlu, was born in Tuz Khormatu in 1952 and moved to the al_Fathel neighbourhood in Baghdad. In 1958, he completed his primary schooling in Baghdad and then he moved to Tuz Khormatu and studied at both intermediate and secondary school in the Tuz Khormatu district.

After completing his secondary education in 1970, he studied Muslim Theology in Najaf Al Ashraf City in Iraq, but after a few months he left college, then he travelled to Turkey and studied Control and Quality Engineering at Trabzon University. He graduated from Trabzon University in 1976, and then worked as an engineer in Turkey. While he was working in Turkey he participated with other Turkmen members in establishing Hizb Alwatani al Turkmeni (the Turkmen Milli Party).

In addition, he spent a lot of his time in Syria and the north of Iraq in organising and structuring Turkmen political parties in conjunction with Mr Izedin Kojawa, who was also a Turkmen citizen living in Syria, where he ran an opposition Turkmen organisation against Saddam Hussein’s regime.

After his participation in the establishment of the Turkmen Milli Party and moved to Erbil City in the north of Iraq in 1991 and worked as a director for the Turkmen radio and TV station.

However, after the occupation of Erbil by Barzani and Saddam Hussein’s troops in 1996, he was arrested by the Iraqi secret service with the help of the Kurdish militia and was transferred to the intelligence office of the city of Mosul for interrogation. After the completion of his interrogation, he was moved to the Fifth Branch of the Intelligent Service and he was executed on the 15th of June, 1997.[1]

Mohammed Rashid Bander was very patriotic and believed passionately in the Turkmen cause. He completely believed that a Turkmen militia was necessary in order to acquire rights and freedom for the Turkmen. He put a tremendous amount of time and effort to achieve this goal.

A Turkmen militia was establishing itself in the north of Iraq, but unfortunately in the region that was controlled by Talabani militia. The Turkmen militia was instructed by Mr Jalal Talabani and Fouad Mahsum, in person. They told the Turkmen not to carry out any military activities against Saddam Hussein’s regime and their pretext for being there was to form an armistice between Saddam Hussein’s regime and the Kurdish militia. The prevention of the Turkmen in the mid eighties from carrying out military activities in Northern Iraq by the Kurdish rebel leaders was expected, since the Jalal Talabani was an accomplice and participant in the massacre of the Turkmen in 1959 that was carried out by the communist party and the Kurdish rebels and that ended in the execution and killing of large numbers of Turkmen in Kirkuk. Jalal Talabani was identified in the massacre of the Turkmen by Mr Ezaddin Kirkuk, who is one of the committee members of Kirkuk Vekfi, which is currently based in Istanbul.

A sudden and noticeable increase in the number of Turkmen joining the Turkmen militia caused worries among the Kurdish militia, who then forced the Turkmen militia to leave the area, which is under Kurdish militia control. Therefore, the majority of the Turkmen militia moved to Syria, while the rest went to Iran, where they stayed in the Karaj refugee centre near Tehran. The overwhelming majority of the Turkmen members then went to the west as political asylum seekers.

Abdulhussein Haji Mullah Ibrahim

Abdulhussein Haji Mullah Ibrahim was born in the town of Tuz Khormatu at the Mullah Safer neighbourhood in 1950: both his parents are Turkmen. After completing junior high school, he joined the Military College, from which he graduated as an officer. He worked in the Iraqi army for several years, where he was promoted to the rank of colonel. Abdulhussein Haji Mullah Ibrahim belongs to a prominent Turkmen family in the city and his father, Mullah Ibrahim, was a well known religious figure in Tuz Khormatu. In order to serve in the Iraqi army, the overwhelming majority of army officers and high ranking officers are members of the Ba’ath party, and officers who do not join the Ba’ath party are forced into retirement. Nevertheless, Abdulhussein Haji Mullah Ibrahim did not join the Ba’ath Party, despite pressure exerted by the Ba'ath regime, but he had secret contacts with a group of friends to support the Martyrs of the Turkmen families that were executed by the Ba’ath regime. Besides being a military officer, he was an intellectual, keen, eager and interested in literature and poetry. His poems were written in the Turkmen language and were read out on various occasions. He was very kind and was a respected army officer and loved by his comrades. He worked with them closely in a very professional manner and he treated them as friends, supported them and stood besides them during crises and difficult time.

During the Intifada (uprising) in 1991 and because of his belief in justice and anti‐oppression, he stood beside the uprisers against the Ba’ath regime and the corrupt system. But after the quelling of the uprising by the tyrannical Ba’ath regime, Abdulhussein Haji Mullah Ibrahim was arrested by Iraqi military intelligence. After nearly a year of detention and physical torture, he was executed in the al_Rashid Military Camp prison in Baghdad and his body was handed over to his relatives and was buried in Iraq.

Mohammad Abdullah Polatoglu

Mohammad Abdullah was a distinguished teacher in the al_Nahtha Elementary Boys School, known by the people of the region as a great educator and patriarch. He participated in religious ceremonies that were held for a memorial to Ashura in Karbala and he was a distinguished educator in the school and interested in religious affairs and Islamic education for children.

To direct the pupils in the right way, he used to hold prayer groups with pupils at the school. He was born in the town of Tuz Khormatu in 1939 in the district of Mullah Safer; he stood fiercely against the Ba’ath regime Arabisation policies by educating the Turkmen youngsters, to win the hearts and minds of young people through counselling and religious education for the students.

In addition, he was in contact with his friends, who were exiled from Iraq, resulting in the establishment of a secret political cell to continue underground work and distribution of publications from abroad. On his return from a visit outside Iraq, he was arrested by Iraqi security elements in Tuz Khormatu. He was transferred immediately to the Security Directorate of Tikrit province. Some witnesses, who had been sharing the same cell and were later released, testified that Mohammad Abdullah had stood bravely in front of the security police by not revealing any names of the other members of his political cell, although he was subjected to beating and other methods of torture, and he encouraged the other prisoners to be strong, patient and brave and not to reveal any names or other information to the security forces. Nevertheless, the Ba’ath regime executed him by hanging on the 11th February, 1982, under the pretext of Turkmen nationalism, in Abu Ghraib Prison. He was buried in the city of Najaf, his family was told not to carry out any memorial service in Tuz Khormatu and the security forces told his family not to transfer his body to Tuz Khormatu.

Yasher Mahdi Tuzlu

Yasher Mahdi Tuzlu was born in Tuz Khormatu in 1946 and belongs to the Effendi family. He studied at primary school in Tuz Khormatu, and at secondary and high school in Baghdad.

After completing high school in Baghdad, he studied Politics and International Studies at the Baghdad University of Law. He was also an active member of the Kardeslik Turkmen Club; he was heavily involved in organising the Turkmen youth and students studying in Baghdad. He participated in a collection of donations for a fund, which was distributed to needy Turkmen students. He successfully established close contact with Turkmen students studying in Turkey.

In 1974, he married Shukriya Qazi, who was working as a teacher in Tuz Khormatu. His first child, born in the 1974, was named Turan, which is a very patriotic name among the Turkish nation. Turan studied medicine at Basra University and is currently working in Tuz Khormatu as a physician. In 1975, he had a daughter named Eran, who studied at the Tikrit Science University. In 1976, Yasher Mahdi Tuzlu participated in a training course for a period of two years on taxation and management. After that, he worked as a civil servant in the taxation office, which is situated opposite the Orrizdibag shopping centre in Kirkuk. In 1978, he had a second daughter, named Demat, who studied chemical engineering at Tikrit University.

The Arabisation policy and the oppression of the Turkmen by successive Arab governments in general and the Ba’ath regime in particular, had a great influence on Yasher Mahdi. The discrimination against the Turkmen by the regime, and the arrest, imprisonment and execution of Turkmen intellectuals formed a big factor in Yasher Mahdi’s becoming an active member in defending the Turkmen cause and defying the Ba’ath regime. However, his involvement in politics and his outspokenness caused him to become a target for and wanted person of the Ba’ath regime.

For some time, Yasher Mahdi Tuzlu hid from the Iraqi security forces and finally he escaped from Iraq but, for some reason, he came back to Iraq, remaining in hiding again. Unfortunately, he was arrested by the Ba’ath regime security forces on the 13th July 1980, while he went to purchase some necessities from a corner shop in his neighbourhood.

He was taken by some members of the security forces and interrogated. He was badly beaten and tortured during an interrogation at the General Security Service office. Yasher Mahdi Tuzlu was accused of being a member of the Turkmen Nationalist Party (Turani) and was unfairly sentenced on the 1st October 1980 by the Revolutionary Court to death by hanging under categorical penalty provisions in the Heavy Section in the Abu Ghraib Prison in Baghdad. He was executed on the 14th January 1981 by the Ba’ath regime, and he was buried in the holy city of Najaf in Iraq. The Iraqi security forces told his family not to carry out any memorial or funeral arrangement for him in Tuz Khormatu. In addition, the security forces told his family not to transfer his body to his homeland of Tuz Khormatu.

Note

1. Ak Su newspaper article written by Mr Hussein Shakur Juma Kassab, under the title, Yowman Khlidan Laferak Baynuhuma, August 2006, issue 34, year three, page 2.

Note
Picture: Tuz Khurmatu – partly view