Abolish the Pseudo-Kurdish Tyranny of Mosul in Northern Mesopotamia
Waiting for the next genocide in the Middle East: the eradication of the Yazidis and the Arameans, the Shabbak and the Turkmen, planned by the Anglo-French Freemasonic Lodge and executed by the pseudo-Kurdish elites of Barzani and Talabani.
The administrative incapacity of the American occupation forces in Iraq, the colonial plans of the Anglo-French Orientalist Freemasonry, and the totalitarian practices of the terrorist elites that have been self-styled as ‘Kurdish’ leaders of an otherwise inexistent nation create an explosive mixture that is expected to trigger successive genocides against the Shabak, the Yazidis, the Christian Aramaeans, and the Turkmen, who form the outright majority of the Mesopotamian North, a series of disastrous Middle Eastern wars, and ultimate chaos throughout the war-stricken region.
Focus on the latest – most pre-occupying – developments and revelation of the criminal nature of the pseudo-Kurdish elite, the Nazi gangsters Talabani and Barzani, who are the local allies of Al Qaeda and the servile puppets of the Anglo-French Apostate Freemasonic Lodge, is offered in an excellent paper recently composed by the Iraqi commentator Abu Murtatha and translated by the worldwide acclaimed SOITM Foundation. I therefore republish it here integrally.
History of a City: Mosul after Occupation
By Abu Murtatha
Translated by SOITM
The forefront of the Kurdish militant Peshmerga, backed by the US troops, reached to the outstroke of Mosul city at 19th April 2003. At 21st April and after surrender of the first Iraqi army corps the city was completely occupied by these Kurdish militants. The Kurdish militants under the vision of the US authorities gathered all the instruments and equipments of the Corps. By the income of the Kurdish militia into the left bank of the city, robbing and looting of the governmental offices, of which many were set fire in, started which included also the banks and faculties of Mosul university. The militias took also over almost all the governmental and Baath party auto and even the autos faculties and municipalities. The Kurdish parties backed by the Peshmerga militants take up tens of the Baath party buildings and converted it to their own party centers. Fierce quarrels took place between the inhabitants and the militias when some of the later tried to enter into the right bank of the city which forced them to withdraw back to the left bank. Later on at the same day 21st April, the 101 Parachute divisions of US troops under the leadership of the General David Petraeus entered into the city from south.
The Establishment of the First City Council
The Iraqi National Congress under the leadership of Mr. Ahmad Chalaby and the tribal leader Mishaan al-Juburi were later entered into the city. Al-Juburi was severely opposed when he wanted to appoint himself the governor of the province. It was also speculated that with some relatives al-Juburi robbed some governmental banks. At 25th April 2003, the US general invited the notables of Mosul for a conference to institute the council of the Nineveh province. After series of meetings and using Cocks Methodology 28 members were appointed as the members of the council depending on the allocation method. Ghanim al-Basso was chosen as the governor, Khasraw Goran, from KDP, as the deputy, Yusuf Lello from the Chaldo-Assyrians and Ibrahim Arafat, from the Turkmen of Mosul, were appointed the aides of the governor. Several sets were given to Kurds from Mosul who were member of the Kurdish parties. Attempts of the Kurdish parties to prevent the appointment of a representative from the Shabak community were failed and a Shabaki was chosen for the council. At the presence of Brigade Khalil from KUP and Dr. Shawkat Bamarni from KDP, the first council of the Nineveh province was established at 5th May.
The council started to work under the direct rule of the occupation authorities and the prominent influence of the Kurdish parties backed by the Peshmerga militants. The Kurdish influence further intensified when Hero Mustapha (Ms.), an Iraqi female holding US citizenship, was appointed in September 2003, the representative of Bremar in the province. In coordination with the Kurdish deputy of the governor, Khasraw Goran, and some of the Christian members of the council and in two steps the Kurdish presence in the council of the city was further intensified. Firstly, creating the idea to increase number of the minority groups and female numbers several other pro-Kurdish members were added to the council. Secondly, depending on a suggestion of Khasraw Goran, which aimed to expel the Ba’ath party members out of the council? The major goal of this operation was to get rid of the governor Ghanim al-Basso and some of the Sunni Arabs. Al-Basso was dismissed and the number of the council was increased to 41. In September Usame Kashmula was chosen the governor, who was assassinated on the road between Baghdad and Mosul and replaced by Duraid Kashmula. The Sunni Arabs had their own candidate called brigadier general Riyadh and their opposition was ineffective.
Withdrawal of Sunni Arabs
Due to the recent modifications and the appointment of al-Basso as a governor of the province, the Sunni Arabs, particularly, those from the Islamic Party withdrew from the council. This event created a large vacuum in the council and gave the opportunity to Kurdish deputy Khasraw Goran to introduce other pro-Kurdish members into council. At the end of November 2003, the city was invested by the armed groups of al-Qaida, which made the government send the aggressive Iraqi army brigade al-Thiib to Mosul to institute security. In contrary, the assassinations, kidnappings and bombings increased in the city.
In March 2004, the Peshmerga militants replaced Thiib brigade and the Kurdish parties started to intensify their headquarters in the center and eastern part of the province: Sinjar, Shaykhan, Baashiqa, Hamdaniya, Zummar and Telkef. These party headquarters have been backed by Peshmerga militants and Kurdish secret security forces. Paying large sum of moneys and jobs, the Kurdish parties started recruiting large numbers of collaborators from other ethnic and religious communities; Yazidis, Shabaks, Chaldo-Assyrians and Turkmen. At the same time, the Kurdish politicians started to claim the Kurdish origin of these communities.
In this insecure condition characterized by Kurdish hegemony on both administration and army and police forces the assassination teams were instituted. Many leadership elements and those who oppose the Kurdish control of the administration and Kurdification processes were killed. In the same period, the second and the third Iraqi military divisions were instituted almost completely from the Kurdish Peshmergas as soldiers and commanders.
The Provincial Elections of 2005
Three election lists had competed in Nineveh province in the provincial elections of 31 January 2005: The Islamic party, the supreme council and the Kurdish Coalition. Decision of the Sunni Arabs to boycott the provincial elections and huge manipulations had given a golden opportunity to the Kurdish parties to continue rule the Nineveh province until to day. As a result the Kurdish coalition dominated the councils of most of the cities. The distribution of the sets in the Nineveh province council was as follows: 31 of 41 sets for Kurdish Coalition, 4 sets for the supreme council, 3 sets for the Islamic party and three independent members. The governor Duraid Kashmula, who was candidate from the Kurdish coalition, kept his position. With the establishment of the further Kurdish control to almost all higher administrative units of the province and employing the two Iraqi military divisions and Peshmerga militias supported by the US troops, all the potentials and facilities of the province have been used to realize the Kurdish parties agenda:
- Appointments of tens of thousands of the Kurds staffs (for example, the appointment of nine thousand teachers from the Duhok province to the Nineveh provinceز
- Bringing of large numbers of Kurdish families,
- Annexing some regions to the Kurdish province of Dohuk, for example, Shaykhan district.
- Forging the identity cards and ration cards to show that they are original inhabitants.
- Intimidation and terrorizing of the other communities particularly Shabak, Yazidis, Chaldo-Assyrians and Turkmen.
- Handing the security of inter-city roads to another group of Peshmerga militants, for example, all the roads in Turkmen Telafer district, Erbil – Bartalla and Shaykhan – Duhok.
The Kurdish parties dominate the region
It is well known that the occupation authorities depended on the Kurdish parties and Militias in the north of Iraq. Ignoring the long standing animosity between the Barzani party and the region, particularly, the Mosul city, accompanied the militants of that party the US troops into the region and Mosul city. Bringing of as much as Kurdish militants into the Mosul city in the years 2004 and 2005 was the policy of the occupation. After worsening of the Security condition in the province, the Kurdish militants were asked to leave the region. Despite that different units of them left the region, about five thousand Militant Peshmergas remained in the north of the province.
It was only in the years 2007 and 2008 the Iraqi government started to understand the disloyal goals of the Kurdish parties and the fearful Kurdification operations in the north of Iraq and Nineveh province and started to realize the threat of this processes. The central government started to change some of the commanders of the military units. The commander of the Iraqi second military division Brigadier General Jamal was changed by Brigadier Mutaa al-Ghazraji. The Kurdish parties rapidly contained the modifications. The refusal of the Nineveh inhabitants to recruit in the army which is made of the Kurdish Peshmerga militants and to participate in the political processes which was controlled by the Kurdish parties supported by the occupations had reinforced the Kurdish hegemony of the province.
The Provincial Elections of 2009
After all these disasters, people of the province arrange to participate really in the election of the 31 January 2009 aiming to reconstruct the reasonable administration. There are fierce competition between the Arabs, Kurds and the other communities to win as much as possible numbers of sets in the councils of the cities, particularly, Mosul city. Unfortunately, the United Nations office in Baghdad covets to reach to the real population size of different Iraqi communities. The UNAMI also aims to publish its report on the so-called the disputed regions to determine the regions of the Iraqi ethnic and religious communities.
The already dominated Kurdish parties employ all the facilities and illegal means to win as much as sets in the city councils. They use large numbers of the peoples, those who work for them in return of money or jobs, from the other communities, for example Shabaks, Yazidis, Chaldo-Assyrians, and Turkmen and even from the Arabs. They are spending huge sums of moneys to buy the votes of the notables with their groups and Mokhtars of the neighbourhoods and staffs of the election centres. They distributed ration foods to the poor families and neighbourhoods in return of their votes. To guaranty the voting of those peoples for the Kurdish parties, they are asked to swear before getting the foods or briberies. The fear of liquidation limits the activities against the doings of Kurdish Parties supported by Militias and even waging campaigns of the non Kurdish political groups, for example, the unsuccessful attempts to assassinate the Shabak member of the Iraqi parliament. The Mosul inhabitants have very welcomed a Brigade of the Iraqi army which was brought from the south and replaced a brigade of the Peshmerga militias. But the Kurdish influence in the city is still not completely neutralized. Unfortunately, the Iraqi government is still could not replace the Peshmerga militants in the vast regions in the north and west of the province: Hamdaniya, Baashiqa, Shaykhan, Sinjar, Zummar, Namrud, Telkef and Telafer. These regions are under the hegemony of Kurdish parties, Kurdish militant Peshmerga and Kurdish security forces.
Afraid of losing the great numbers of sets which the Kurdish parties unfairly won in the preceding elections, they started asking postponement of the elections in Mosul under the pretext of the existence of expelled Kurdish families from the province.
The upcoming provincial elections in Iraq and the so-called the disputed regions will significantly influence the fate of the region and the strength of the central government, therefore the transparency and independency will importantly influence the political processes in the northern region and in all the New Iraq.
Recommendation
In light of the aforementioned facts that the Kurdish parties control the major part of administration in the north of Iraq and had subdued a large number of peoples, the UNAMI should not depend on the results of the upcoming Iraqi provincial elections to determine the population sizes of the Iraqi communities or the UNAMI is going to commit a fatal historical mistake which will interfere with the reconciliation processes in Iraq and delays for several decades.
Note
Picture: Mosul and Tigris river
Focus on the latest – most pre-occupying – developments and revelation of the criminal nature of the pseudo-Kurdish elite, the Nazi gangsters Talabani and Barzani, who are the local allies of Al Qaeda and the servile puppets of the Anglo-French Apostate Freemasonic Lodge, is offered in an excellent paper recently composed by the Iraqi commentator Abu Murtatha and translated by the worldwide acclaimed SOITM Foundation. I therefore republish it here integrally.
History of a City: Mosul after Occupation
By Abu Murtatha
Translated by SOITM
The forefront of the Kurdish militant Peshmerga, backed by the US troops, reached to the outstroke of Mosul city at 19th April 2003. At 21st April and after surrender of the first Iraqi army corps the city was completely occupied by these Kurdish militants. The Kurdish militants under the vision of the US authorities gathered all the instruments and equipments of the Corps. By the income of the Kurdish militia into the left bank of the city, robbing and looting of the governmental offices, of which many were set fire in, started which included also the banks and faculties of Mosul university. The militias took also over almost all the governmental and Baath party auto and even the autos faculties and municipalities. The Kurdish parties backed by the Peshmerga militants take up tens of the Baath party buildings and converted it to their own party centers. Fierce quarrels took place between the inhabitants and the militias when some of the later tried to enter into the right bank of the city which forced them to withdraw back to the left bank. Later on at the same day 21st April, the 101 Parachute divisions of US troops under the leadership of the General David Petraeus entered into the city from south.
The Establishment of the First City Council
The Iraqi National Congress under the leadership of Mr. Ahmad Chalaby and the tribal leader Mishaan al-Juburi were later entered into the city. Al-Juburi was severely opposed when he wanted to appoint himself the governor of the province. It was also speculated that with some relatives al-Juburi robbed some governmental banks. At 25th April 2003, the US general invited the notables of Mosul for a conference to institute the council of the Nineveh province. After series of meetings and using Cocks Methodology 28 members were appointed as the members of the council depending on the allocation method. Ghanim al-Basso was chosen as the governor, Khasraw Goran, from KDP, as the deputy, Yusuf Lello from the Chaldo-Assyrians and Ibrahim Arafat, from the Turkmen of Mosul, were appointed the aides of the governor. Several sets were given to Kurds from Mosul who were member of the Kurdish parties. Attempts of the Kurdish parties to prevent the appointment of a representative from the Shabak community were failed and a Shabaki was chosen for the council. At the presence of Brigade Khalil from KUP and Dr. Shawkat Bamarni from KDP, the first council of the Nineveh province was established at 5th May.
The council started to work under the direct rule of the occupation authorities and the prominent influence of the Kurdish parties backed by the Peshmerga militants. The Kurdish influence further intensified when Hero Mustapha (Ms.), an Iraqi female holding US citizenship, was appointed in September 2003, the representative of Bremar in the province. In coordination with the Kurdish deputy of the governor, Khasraw Goran, and some of the Christian members of the council and in two steps the Kurdish presence in the council of the city was further intensified. Firstly, creating the idea to increase number of the minority groups and female numbers several other pro-Kurdish members were added to the council. Secondly, depending on a suggestion of Khasraw Goran, which aimed to expel the Ba’ath party members out of the council? The major goal of this operation was to get rid of the governor Ghanim al-Basso and some of the Sunni Arabs. Al-Basso was dismissed and the number of the council was increased to 41. In September Usame Kashmula was chosen the governor, who was assassinated on the road between Baghdad and Mosul and replaced by Duraid Kashmula. The Sunni Arabs had their own candidate called brigadier general Riyadh and their opposition was ineffective.
Withdrawal of Sunni Arabs
Due to the recent modifications and the appointment of al-Basso as a governor of the province, the Sunni Arabs, particularly, those from the Islamic Party withdrew from the council. This event created a large vacuum in the council and gave the opportunity to Kurdish deputy Khasraw Goran to introduce other pro-Kurdish members into council. At the end of November 2003, the city was invested by the armed groups of al-Qaida, which made the government send the aggressive Iraqi army brigade al-Thiib to Mosul to institute security. In contrary, the assassinations, kidnappings and bombings increased in the city.
In March 2004, the Peshmerga militants replaced Thiib brigade and the Kurdish parties started to intensify their headquarters in the center and eastern part of the province: Sinjar, Shaykhan, Baashiqa, Hamdaniya, Zummar and Telkef. These party headquarters have been backed by Peshmerga militants and Kurdish secret security forces. Paying large sum of moneys and jobs, the Kurdish parties started recruiting large numbers of collaborators from other ethnic and religious communities; Yazidis, Shabaks, Chaldo-Assyrians and Turkmen. At the same time, the Kurdish politicians started to claim the Kurdish origin of these communities.
In this insecure condition characterized by Kurdish hegemony on both administration and army and police forces the assassination teams were instituted. Many leadership elements and those who oppose the Kurdish control of the administration and Kurdification processes were killed. In the same period, the second and the third Iraqi military divisions were instituted almost completely from the Kurdish Peshmergas as soldiers and commanders.
The Provincial Elections of 2005
Three election lists had competed in Nineveh province in the provincial elections of 31 January 2005: The Islamic party, the supreme council and the Kurdish Coalition. Decision of the Sunni Arabs to boycott the provincial elections and huge manipulations had given a golden opportunity to the Kurdish parties to continue rule the Nineveh province until to day. As a result the Kurdish coalition dominated the councils of most of the cities. The distribution of the sets in the Nineveh province council was as follows: 31 of 41 sets for Kurdish Coalition, 4 sets for the supreme council, 3 sets for the Islamic party and three independent members. The governor Duraid Kashmula, who was candidate from the Kurdish coalition, kept his position. With the establishment of the further Kurdish control to almost all higher administrative units of the province and employing the two Iraqi military divisions and Peshmerga militias supported by the US troops, all the potentials and facilities of the province have been used to realize the Kurdish parties agenda:
- Appointments of tens of thousands of the Kurds staffs (for example, the appointment of nine thousand teachers from the Duhok province to the Nineveh provinceز
- Bringing of large numbers of Kurdish families,
- Annexing some regions to the Kurdish province of Dohuk, for example, Shaykhan district.
- Forging the identity cards and ration cards to show that they are original inhabitants.
- Intimidation and terrorizing of the other communities particularly Shabak, Yazidis, Chaldo-Assyrians and Turkmen.
- Handing the security of inter-city roads to another group of Peshmerga militants, for example, all the roads in Turkmen Telafer district, Erbil – Bartalla and Shaykhan – Duhok.
The Kurdish parties dominate the region
It is well known that the occupation authorities depended on the Kurdish parties and Militias in the north of Iraq. Ignoring the long standing animosity between the Barzani party and the region, particularly, the Mosul city, accompanied the militants of that party the US troops into the region and Mosul city. Bringing of as much as Kurdish militants into the Mosul city in the years 2004 and 2005 was the policy of the occupation. After worsening of the Security condition in the province, the Kurdish militants were asked to leave the region. Despite that different units of them left the region, about five thousand Militant Peshmergas remained in the north of the province.
It was only in the years 2007 and 2008 the Iraqi government started to understand the disloyal goals of the Kurdish parties and the fearful Kurdification operations in the north of Iraq and Nineveh province and started to realize the threat of this processes. The central government started to change some of the commanders of the military units. The commander of the Iraqi second military division Brigadier General Jamal was changed by Brigadier Mutaa al-Ghazraji. The Kurdish parties rapidly contained the modifications. The refusal of the Nineveh inhabitants to recruit in the army which is made of the Kurdish Peshmerga militants and to participate in the political processes which was controlled by the Kurdish parties supported by the occupations had reinforced the Kurdish hegemony of the province.
The Provincial Elections of 2009
After all these disasters, people of the province arrange to participate really in the election of the 31 January 2009 aiming to reconstruct the reasonable administration. There are fierce competition between the Arabs, Kurds and the other communities to win as much as possible numbers of sets in the councils of the cities, particularly, Mosul city. Unfortunately, the United Nations office in Baghdad covets to reach to the real population size of different Iraqi communities. The UNAMI also aims to publish its report on the so-called the disputed regions to determine the regions of the Iraqi ethnic and religious communities.
The already dominated Kurdish parties employ all the facilities and illegal means to win as much as sets in the city councils. They use large numbers of the peoples, those who work for them in return of money or jobs, from the other communities, for example Shabaks, Yazidis, Chaldo-Assyrians, and Turkmen and even from the Arabs. They are spending huge sums of moneys to buy the votes of the notables with their groups and Mokhtars of the neighbourhoods and staffs of the election centres. They distributed ration foods to the poor families and neighbourhoods in return of their votes. To guaranty the voting of those peoples for the Kurdish parties, they are asked to swear before getting the foods or briberies. The fear of liquidation limits the activities against the doings of Kurdish Parties supported by Militias and even waging campaigns of the non Kurdish political groups, for example, the unsuccessful attempts to assassinate the Shabak member of the Iraqi parliament. The Mosul inhabitants have very welcomed a Brigade of the Iraqi army which was brought from the south and replaced a brigade of the Peshmerga militias. But the Kurdish influence in the city is still not completely neutralized. Unfortunately, the Iraqi government is still could not replace the Peshmerga militants in the vast regions in the north and west of the province: Hamdaniya, Baashiqa, Shaykhan, Sinjar, Zummar, Namrud, Telkef and Telafer. These regions are under the hegemony of Kurdish parties, Kurdish militant Peshmerga and Kurdish security forces.
Afraid of losing the great numbers of sets which the Kurdish parties unfairly won in the preceding elections, they started asking postponement of the elections in Mosul under the pretext of the existence of expelled Kurdish families from the province.
The upcoming provincial elections in Iraq and the so-called the disputed regions will significantly influence the fate of the region and the strength of the central government, therefore the transparency and independency will importantly influence the political processes in the northern region and in all the New Iraq.
Recommendation
In light of the aforementioned facts that the Kurdish parties control the major part of administration in the north of Iraq and had subdued a large number of peoples, the UNAMI should not depend on the results of the upcoming Iraqi provincial elections to determine the population sizes of the Iraqi communities or the UNAMI is going to commit a fatal historical mistake which will interfere with the reconciliation processes in Iraq and delays for several decades.
Note
Picture: Mosul and Tigris river

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