Rescue Role Welcomed But Isolation Set to Remain

Hamas has good reason to celebrate the release of Alan Johnston, for its success demonstrates to the Palestinians and to the wider international community that it can run the show in the Gaza Strip, less than three weeks since taking it over. Jubilant spokesmen, from the deposed prime minister Ismail Haniyeh in Gaza City to the exiled Khaled Mashal in Damascus, wasted no time in making the connection between the BBC man's freedom and their own wider political ambitions. There was talk of the Islamic Resistance Movement "proving its credibility" and hoping that with Johnston free, the "siege" on Hamas could be lifted. "We hope that order, security and an end to anarchy would also reach the West Bank," Mr Haniyeh sniped at Mahmoud Abbas, Palestinian president and Fatah leader.

If Hamas is seen to be functioning well, goes this line of thinking, then it can break out of the international isolation imposed on it after winning last year's elections. Hamas was rewarded with calls for Britain and the EU to deal directly with it. David Miliband, the foreign secretary, was non-committal, saying only that he "fully acknowledged the crucial role they have played in securing this happy outcome".

But there are unlikely to be dramatic changes of policy, at least by the Quartet of Middle East peacemakers. "This will go on their CV," said one Arab diplomat. "But I don't expect any sudden change."

There was renewed discussion of the possible release of the Israeli soldier Corporal Gilad Shalit, whose capture by Hamas fighters a year ago sparked an Israeli onslaught on Gaza and then the Hizbullah-Israeli war in Lebanon. A deal over Shalit could unlock much more.

But there were sour reactions from Fatah in the West Bank. "We're watching a movie where the thieves in Gaza fall out and one of them claims to be honest and brave and other is the bad guy," sneered Yasser Abed Rabbo, aide to President Abbas. Mr Mashal, he said, "is trying to gain sympathy for creating a Taliban principality in Gaza".

Still, the Hamas PR coup is well-timed. Mr Haniyeh has been trying to mend fences with Mr Abbas in the knowledge that a permanent split between Gaza and the West Bank will not serve the interests of the Palestinian people. Israel, with Jordan and Egypt, have been encouraging that split. The US and EU have backed Salam Fayyad, the technocrat appointed interim prime minister. Mr Fayyad's government paid its employees for the first time in 18 months this week after Israel released tax revenues it had refused to pay while Hamas was in power.

But although Hamas is strong in parts of the West Bank it cannot make much more headway as long as the Israeli army and Shin Bet secret service operate freely there. Renewed cooperation between the Israelis and Fatah intelligence - bringing furious charges of collaboration from Hamas - could make life much harder for the Islamists.

Another positive sign is that Hamas has been drafting former members of Fatah who used to man Gaza's border crossings into Israel. Policing the streets and rescuing hostages is one thing: meeting the daily needs of 1.4 million impoverished people, including the desperate need to be able to work in Israel, quite another. It cannot do that unless it mends fences with Fatah.

Hamas faces other grave problems. Will the Quartet, soon to be represented by Tony Blair, be revisiting the three conditions it set for dealing with Hamas: recognition of Israel, an end to violence, and respect for existing peace agreements? Recent events strengthen the case for looking at Palestinian deeds rather than words, at valuing pragmatism and delivery, at engagement rather than boycotts. Proof - in the welcome sight of one very relieved British journalist - that Hamas can keep its own house in order should help shift things in that direction. But there is no guarantee that it will.